网络中基于Agent的信息搜索特点及策略规划

基于网络条件下信息搜索的特点,采用搜索策略表示信息收集Agent对主机进行信息查寻的规划和过程,将搜索过程看作是一个三维空间,这个空间由条件、方法、信息源构成;给出了一种基于Agent的信息查找策略,用AgentSpeak(L)描述并实现了规划过程.     

基于QoS的网络计费管理软件的设计与实现

针对原来的基于时间和基于流量的计费模式在实时多媒体业务中显现出来的弊端,提出了一种基于QoS的网络计费模式,并介绍了在小区宽带接入系统中的实现,给出了这种计费模式的策略和主要数据结构.     

远程导弹飞行管道碎片数目统计方法研究

摘 要：针对空间碎片数及分布,根据远程导弹飞行散布统计规律,提出一种统计导弹飞行管道内碎片数目的方法,即利用空间碎片模型数据,求出部分区域碎片数目密度随高度变化关系,构造导弹空间飞行管道,将数目密度函数在导弹飞行管道内积分,从而得到管道内碎片数目的期望值,量化评估了导弹与空间碎片的碰撞风险。仿真结果表明,远程导弹与空间碎片的撞击风险数量级为10-7,而飞行管道内碎片数目数量级为10-2,表明空间碎片已威胁到远程导弹的安全飞行。     

新阶段推进武警学院科学发展的战略思考

武警学院要在新阶段、新起点上实现又好又快发展,必须用科学发展观统领发展战略,解决＂发展什么＂和＂怎么发展＂两个根本问题。为此,对学院发展面临的形势要有新认识,发展理念要有新升华,发展路径要有新突破。     

复杂电磁环境下电子系统仿生防护模式研究

阐述电磁防护工作中仿生研究所需要涉及的学科类型和基本内容,对所做工作在整个仿生领域中进行大致的定位;提出生物一电子研究的对等模型、总体构成和实现基础,细化具体研究的方向、设想和防护模式,并从原型实现的工程角度介绍实施策略,使得复杂电磁干扰环境下控制系统板卡及芯片级防护的仿生构想在技术上成为可能。     

浅析日本太空安全战略

近年来,日本将太空安全视为国家太空战略的首要事项,不断加强太空安全能力建设。成立宇宙作战部队之后,太空安全战略向备战太空走向明显。本文分析了日本太空安全战略由“和平利用”到“保守防御”型再到“攻防兼备”型的演变过程,通过对《宇宙基本法》《宇宙基本计划》《国家安全战略》《日美防卫合作指针》等文件内容进行研判,得出日本太空安全战略具有致力于太空军事利用、构建日美太空同盟和发挥国际太空规则话语权三个特点。     

【邀请论文】特朗普政府太空防卫战略调整的动因、特点与影响

面对太空领域变化的安全环境和自身实力的相对衰弱,特朗普政府对美国的太空防卫战略进行了重大调整。相比奥巴马政府的太空防卫战略,特朗普政府明确将太空作为新型作战域,加快天军建设,并以中俄为主要对手,联合盟友构建军民一体、内外联动的太空防卫体系。本文认为,特朗普政府对于太空防卫战略的调整凸显了美国欲加快太空武器化、谋求外空绝对军事力量优势的霸权企图。但这无疑会加剧目前愈演愈烈的太空“安全困境”,将更多国家拉入“太空军备竞赛”的恶性循环中,对国际太空安全和全球战略稳定带来消极影响。展望拜登政府的太空防卫政策,其军事色彩会略微下降,但也将更重视技术积累和太空的开发利用。     

基于WSR方法论的军事环境安全策略研究

为了克服新形势下军事发展面临的一系列环境安全问题,不断加强军事环境管理工作,拓展并解析了军事环境安全的概念,建立了基于WSR方法论的军事环境安全三维分析模型.结合模型的“物理”、“事理”、“人理”分析,提出了一套相互关联的军事环境安全策略,为进一步深入研究并制定军事环境安全战略规划提供了重要参考.     

India's counter-insurgency experience: the ‘trust and nurture’ strategy

The Indian Army, a force trained primarily for conventional warfare, has been engaged in internal counter-insurgency operations since the 1950s. Despite such a long innings on a counter-insurgency mode, little attention has been accorded within military circles to doctrinal innovation for waging sub-conventional warfare in India's democratic political context. At best, the Army continues to view counter-insurgency duty as secondary to its primary duty of defending India from external conventional threats. By conceptualizing a counter-insurgency strategy of ‘trust and nurture’, this article aims to fill this critical doctrinal gap in India's military policy. The author argues that a counter-insurgency strategy of ‘trust and nurture’ based on democratic political culture, measured military methods, special counter-insurgency forces, local social and cultural awareness and an integrative nation-building approach will result in positive handling of India's internal security problems. The author utilizes India's counter-insurgency experiences in Assam, Mizoram, Nagaland, Punjab, and Operation ‘Sadhbhavana’ in Jammu and Kashmir as illustrative empirical indicants in order to validate the ‘trust and nurture’ strategy.     

Why did Sudan Lose a small war in Southern Sudan?

ABSTRACT

When on the wrong end of an asymmetry in the projection of hard power, weaker sides countenance the grim arithmetic of avoiding direct and massed confrontations. Invariably, insurgents have over the ages tended to employ indirect tactical methods to render their stronger opponents ineffective. Ultimately – interest asymmetry, regime type, asymmetries of strategy, and external intervention – combine in a complex interplay and pattern, to militate against a strong side. In Sudan, these factors interacted throughout the civil wars to produce regional autonomy and finally an independent South Sudan in 2011. Similar strategic logic had confronted many large African states battling insurgencies in Ethiopia, Angola, Nigeria, Zaire, and apartheid-era South Africa. Oftentimes, weakening public resolve has caused these governments to accommodate, capitulate or withdraw even if they try not to blink. Notwithstanding the regime type, it can be concluded that the majority of strong actors are prone to fail in a protracted, asymmetric conflict. Hence, the notion of linking victory in counterinsurgency to the degree of openness (democratic polyarchies); or closeness (totalitarianism) – is still valid but highly contestable in the case of Africa’s large dysfunctional states.