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71.
弹道导弹落点预报的雷达系统仿真   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
根据弹道理论建立了雷达探测弹道导弹的仿真模型 ,并对仿真的雷达探测跟踪弹道数据给出了处理方法 ,预报了导弹落点范围 ,并与理论落点进行了比较 ,给出落点精度。仿真结果表明 :雷达对导弹的探测数据经过一定数据处理 ,可得到预定的落点精度 ,说明该种仿真方法是可行的  相似文献   
72.
ABSTRACT

Scholars and practitioners of grand strategy agree that the use of military force should be supplemented by appropriate economic policies. However, strangely few accounts of economic complements to military grand strategies have been presented in recent discourse on US grand strategy. This paper takes a first step to fill this information gap. I first assess the role that could be played by economic measures under two types of grand strategies – one focusing on the balance of power and the other emphasising influence and order. Second, I introduce what I call ‘the influence-capability dilemma’ and discuss tradeoffs in adopting certain economic policies in order to help the US sustain pre-eminence in the international system. Third, I discuss how the US should address this dilemma of economic means in dealing with the rising China.  相似文献   
73.
The United States has conducted armed drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004. While there has been some recent work on Pakistani public opinion about drones, there is very little research on how Pakistan’s media characterize the US drone program. This is an important gap in understanding the determinants of Pakistani popular perceptions of this program. Decades of research has shown that “news framing”, a process by which certain aspects of a complex concept are emphasized in political communications with others played down, influences individual cognition while forming political opinions. In this essay, we address this lacuna by assembling an unprecedented sample of editorials about the drone program from three English newspapers and one Urdu newspaper and analyzing the news frames within them. We next compare the trends in these news frames to public opinion data collected by Pew between the spring of 2009 and 2014. Initially, most Pakistanis were unaware of the drone program, media coverage of the program expanded as drone strikes increased in frequency. While Pakistanis became more cognizant of the US drone strikes, even by 2014 large minorities remained unaware. Pakistani public opinion strongly reflected the top media frames, particularly those that are negative. This is an important finding suggesting that newspaper editorials are a good barometer of Pakistani opinions despite the fact that only information elites rely upon newspapers for political information.  相似文献   
74.
Despite the burgeoning literature on Russia’s renewed power politics, little attention has been paid to the fact that US reactions towards Russia’s military interventions were all but coherent. The USA has chosen weak measures in Georgia in 2008 (shaming) compared to its assertive response in Ukraine in 2014 (sanctions, hard deterrence). This article assesses the explanatory power of neorealist, liberal and constructivist theories for the variation in US reactions towards Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. Our argument is that the constructivist perspective explains the cases best as it highlights the power and communality of normative assessments. The Ukraine crisis was perceived by the USA as a violation of core international norms, especially the non-use of force and the principle of territorial integrity. Relevant international norm carriers shared this assessment of the conflict. In contrast, the perception of the Georgian war centred on the issue of democracy promotion. While democracy is an important aim of US foreign policy, it does not summon the same normative importance as general principles of international law. Furthermore, the perception of the Georgian war remained contested among Western allies, which decreased the communality of the normative assessment.  相似文献   
75.
Following the terrorist attacks against the US in 2001, the Bush administration reaffirmed the Dover ban, the policy that prohibited press coverage of military coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base from conflicts abroad. Conventional wisdom holds that the Bush administration enforced the ban in the hope of maintaining public support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This understanding, though, is incomplete. If the Dover ban were enforced only in response to eroding public opinion, then other coalition states would have responded likewise to this shared incentive. I argue instead that maintaining public support is only one factor among many that led the US to uphold this policy. In addition to considering the influence of factors such as perceived media bias and casualty aversion, I focus on necropolitics and the related impetus for governments to regulate the observation of death. Through this interpretation, part of the American response to the involuntary loss of sovereignty on 9/11 was to exercise control over the observation of death by enforcing the Dover ban. Through comparing the press policies of the US, the UK, and Canada, I show that the necropolitical blow to sovereignty that only the US experienced triggered a repressive policy that only the US was able to maintain.  相似文献   
76.
孙子有备无患的军事思想,早已成为现代竞争领域的指导原则之一。每个人都有非常强烈的成功欲望,这样的人生,是一个永不停息的决策过程。从事什么样的工作,怎样做才能使自己在竞争中立于不败之地。《孙子兵法》告诉我们:人生竞争有策略。  相似文献   
77.
随着中国现代小说的兴起.女性声音也相应出现,在与男性一并参与宏大叙事的同时,女性叙事者也选用日记体小说这一私人性极强的体裁与话语形式,以突出男权强势话语的重围,建构起女性自我的权威。丁玲的《莎菲女士的日记》就是一个很好的例子。本文拟围绕《莎菲女士的日记》探讨“日记体小说”的叙事策略。  相似文献   
78.
晚明散曲家施绍莘是明人散曲中之大成者,他采用昆腔新声创制了许多优秀的散曲作品,并且获得非常好的市场反响。施绍莘对晚明音乐突出的贡献是迎合流行口味,把北曲的唱法、乐器等融进南曲音乐中,增强了昆曲的表现力和感染力,使之达到新的审美高度。  相似文献   
79.
生态式教育是一种整体性、融合性、开放性的教育,关注教育目标的整合性,教育活动的综合性,教育评价的开放性和师生关系的平等性。《窗边的小豆豆》一书是曾任联合国儿童基金会亲善大使的黑柳彻子的一部自传体小说,主要叙述了巴学园中小林宗作校长的教育活动。这本书中充分展示了生态式教育的基本内涵,体现了"对话"这一生态式教育的核心理念,塑造了一个成功的学校模式和教育家的形象。  相似文献   
80.
学分制是学分计量学生学习量的教学管理制度,较传统的学年制有一定优越性,学分制只有与教学管理、科学研究、学生工作、后勤服务等各个领域相互配套,才能达到高效、合理、有序的目标。学分制教育教学管理模式的逐步实施,需要教学管理工作有与之相适应的工作方法。  相似文献   
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