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21.
维和警察团队在维和行动中展现了强大的优势。在构建维和警察团队时,要把握好一系列原则;在培养其团队精神时,要做好以下六个方面的工作:强化维和事业心、合理明确的定位、警队制度化、复合化培养、以人为本、处理好警队内部竞争与合作的关系。 相似文献
22.
第二代维和行动维和行动数量剧增,规模变大;维和行动战略从“维持”和平向“建设”和平发展;维和行动由主要处理国与国之间的冲突转为主要处理国内各派别的冲突;维和行动职能由单一转向多元;维和行动部署方式由过去的“线性”变为“非线性”;维和行动的主体增加,维和行动组成日趋混杂。联合国维和行动面临着“强力”维和挑战传统原则;维和行动资源严重短缺;维和人员所承担的安全风险越来越大;维和行动的有效性难有质的提高;单边主义妨碍联合国发挥作用。 相似文献
23.
提高维和警察防暴队培训质量的实践与思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
赵会领 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2008,24(5):34-36
武警学院已经培训了6期维和警察防暴队,圆满完成了维和培训任务。受到联合国、当地政府及民众的充分肯定和高度赞扬。今后要进一步适应新形势,提高培训质量,不断创新培训模式、培训思路、培训机制。 相似文献
24.
瞿志文 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2008,24(7):21-24
中国维和警察参与联合国维和行动已成为我国公安工作的重要内容,把中国维和警察理论作为中国警学的新兴学科,研究由联合国维和行动基本理论、中国维和警察特色理论、中国维和警察基础理论、中国维和警察专业理论、中国维和警察应用理论构建的中国维和警察学科理论体系基本框架,对我国维和警察工作的发展具有重要的促进作用。 相似文献
25.
杨福芳 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2011,(9):31-33
随着国际形势的不断变化,维和工作也日益复杂,对维和警察的基本素质提出更高的要求,在这种需求的基础上特提出了“一要、二增强、六懂、六会、五掌握”的训练要求。 相似文献
26.
维和警察的心理压力及其调控 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
瞿志文 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2004,20(1):46-48
中国维和警察在联合国维和任务区的特定环境下产生心理压力是必然的,维和警察必须了解产生心理压力的环境因素,学会分析产生心理压力的原因,掌握心理压力的调控方法。 相似文献
27.
何银 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2010,26(3):32-35
缘于新时期地区安全战略的需要,澳大利亚打造了国际派遣处,建立起了维和警察新体制。该维和警察新体制的运作机制和理念值得关注和学习。澳大利亚希望通过其维和警察新体制扩张并主导在南太平洋地区的警察维和行动。与此同时,澳大利亚在南太平洋地区的强势维和行动面临挑战。 相似文献
28.
JAMES NGCULU 《African Security Review》2013,22(1):95-97
Abstract A tremendous amount of important work has been done recently on operationalising the protection of civilians as a military task. The bulk of the discussion has focused on how militaries should respond to direct attacks on civilians. This is an important issue, but thinking about civilian protection should also include a serious examination of the ways in which the approach of military organisations to the problem of ‘spoiler’ groups can affect the level and dynamics of attacks on civilians – importantly, where armed groups are interested in violent control of civilian populations, attempts to ‘dislodge’ them from areas of control may substantially increase the level of violence against civilians (beyond the dangers to be expected from being near areas where active fighting is taking place). In 2009, the United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) supported the Congolese military in operations to dismantle the Hutu-dominated FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) militia group, at massive human cost. Critics have primarily focused on MONUC's failure to protect civilians from direct attack, consonant with the general discourse on tactics for civilian protection. These criticisms are valid, but in this paper I argue that two crucial additional considerations should be kept in mind: the way that military operations can affect violence against civilians, and the way that moralising the approach to armed groups, even those which have committed serious abuses, can limit military and political options – potentially in ways that increase civilian risk in the name of protecting them. 相似文献
29.
Prosper Maguchu 《African Security Review》2013,22(3-4):278-290
ABSTRACTInternational Organisations (IOs) are crucial actors in spearheading the global adoption of anti-money-laundering (AML) legislation. However, the extent to which AML legislation has been implemented in Zimbabwe under the aegis of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and East Africa and Southern Africa Money Laundering Group (ESSAMALG) may put the efficacy of legislation passed at the behest of IOs into question. This article suggests that glocalisation may enhance the international fight against money-laundering. That is to say, international standards should be applied domestically with due regard for local legislative environment. 相似文献
30.
HENNIE VAN VUUREN 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):67-75
Bribery undermines human development and a transition to stable democratic rule. It props up illegitimate regimes as corporations bid for contracts by bribing, in a seeming race to the bottom. The world's wealthy are slowly waking up to this and criminalising this scandalous practice of bribing foreign public officials. However, such measures, if enforced, need to be combined with domestic anti-corruption strategies in the South. If this opportunity is missed, the risk of investing private capital in marginalised economies perceived to be highly corrupt is further upped, making investment-driven economic growth possibly even less unattainable. 相似文献