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31.
Yoel Guzansky 《Defense & Security Analysis》2015,31(2):90-98
This article explores series of “red lines” issued over the years by the USA and Israel toward Iran and Syria. It argues that the effectiveness of inflexible “red lines” in an environment that is given to rapid change is doubtful. They provide an adversary with the ability to determine when the deterring party will act and when they will not, a situation that is often undesirable. Moreover, their inflexible nature on the one hand opens the doors for circumvention while technically staying within their parameters. On the other hand, a strategy of more ambiguous “red lines” that allow flexibility in choosing the time, intensity, and nature of the response could also achieve a considerable deterrent effect, provided that they do not remain mere bluffs. 相似文献
32.
Arturo C. Sotomayor 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(5-6):992-1016
Can peacekeeping participation help reform military institutions in democratizing states? Drawing on evidence from Nepal – one of the world's largest troop contributors to UN peacekeeping operations – this essay illustrates that participation in peace missions can sometimes undermine security sector reform and deteriorate civil–military relations. Furthermore, this analysis shows that peacekeeping participation will not necessarily reorient troops away from their conventional internal roles (such as counterinsurgency) or improve civilian control over the armed forces. Hence, civilians can lose control over soldiers just as frequently when they are deployed overseas as when they are at home. 相似文献
33.
王洪海 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2011,27(3):34-37
中国参与联合国维和行动的历程到中国维和警察工作的发展,以及参与维和行动的具体实践,体现了大国责任,实践证明,参与维和行动已经成为可调动的战略资源,为融入国际安全机制提供有效途径。 相似文献
34.
Recruiting more women into peacekeeping operations due to the perceived unique contributions they are said to make to missions has been widely advocated by the United Nations (UN) and other agencies as a means to overcome the unintended consequents of deployments – mainly the ongoing reports of sexual abuse of locals by male soldiers. However, taking into account the broader gender debates surrounding women’s contributions to peacekeeping, and by considering the experiences of women in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), this study reveals the challenges women face in realising these widely advocated contributions. These challenges include the current recruiting processes, the self-perception of female soldiers, the deeply patriarchal ideologies within South African society, and the hyper-masculine culture which overwhelms the military. The study concludes that, for women to be properly utilised, a reassessment of recruitment processes in the SANDF is necessary, gender training should be prioritised, and an androgynous soldier identity should be advocated. 相似文献
35.
美国在非洲维和的经验教训及其启示 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
徐祗朋 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(1):39-44
开展维和行动是实现联合国宗旨和维护世界安全与稳定的重要手段。作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一,美国是联合国完成维和任务不可或缺的,甚至具有决定性作用的国家。冷战时期美国的非洲维和行动在争吵和小心翼翼中进行,冷战后美国的非洲维和战略经历了积极主动向有选择地介入转变的过程,当前美国的非洲维和行动则是在崇尚自主的前提下推广美国特色的维和,以期最大限度地彰显美国实力、维护美国核心利益。审视美国非洲维和战略的演变,汲取足够的经验教训,有利于更好地根据世情和国情定位中国未来的维和战略。 相似文献
36.
李佳音 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(7):28-30
当今世界,区域性国际组织以其独特优势,成为联合国以外维护和平与稳定的重要力量。以典型的区域性国际组织实施、参与的维和行动为例,分析其存在的重要性;援引《联合国宪章》等重要文献,说明区域性国际组织在维护世界和平事务中的合法性;通过对区域性国际组织本身特点的分析,说明其实施维和行动的优势以反对联合国维和行动地位产生的影响;最后,从如何发挥区域性国际组织的重要作用进行分析,并提出建议。 相似文献
37.
中国维和警察在协助利比里亚政府组建警察部队、恢复法治、培训当地警察、监督指导当地警察执法、缓解冲突等方面较好地履行了职责,受到维和警察总部和当地民众的好评。深入了解该任务区的机制和特点,总结经验,吸取教训,对于中国维和警察工作大有益处。 相似文献
38.
谈钧 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2009,25(5):31-33
风险管理是一门新兴学科,已普遍应用于各个领域。维和工作处处充满风险,有必要进行深刻探讨,进而对中国警察参与联合国维和行动面临的风险进行科学合理的分析并提出应对措施。 相似文献
39.
高心满 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2004,20(1):49-51
结合在波黑任务区国际警察部队执行任务的工作实践,IPTF的工作分类及对维和人员的相关要求做了介绍,并对我国维和警察的培训及管理工作提出了建议。 相似文献
40.
Stefano Recchia 《战略研究杂志》2020,43(3):341-365
ABSTRACTThe conventional wisdom about the 1992 US intervention in Somalia is that it was a quintessentially humanitarian mission pushed by President George H. W. Bush. This article challenges that interpretation, drawing on newly declassified documents. The Somalia intervention, I argue, was largely a pragmatic response to concerns held by the US military. In late 1992, as the small UN mission in Somalia was collapsing, senior American generals worried about being drawn into the resulting vacuum. Hence they reluctantly recommended a robust US intervention, in the expectation that this would allow the UN to assemble a larger peacekeeping force that would take over within months. The intervention ultimately failed, but the military learned useful lessons from this experience on how to achieve smoother UN handoffs in the future and thus effectively shift longer-term stabilisation burdens to the international community. 相似文献