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111.
New Zealand's current defence strategy, first expressed in NZ Government (1991), is one of \"self-reliance in partnership\". We outline the country's defence policy in historical context, examine its current defence expenditure and capabilities, and document the genesis of recent major changes in security policy. We pay particular attention to the role of explicit economic analysis and advice in the formation of these policy changes. 相似文献
112.
针对评估对象的模糊性和不确定性,对层次分析法进行了改进,并提出了基于改进的层次分析法的装甲分队火力运用评估模型。在层次分析法基础上引入模糊集,并结合模糊评判,对装甲分队火力运用的能力进行了评估。结果表明,采用该方法进行的评估,有效避免了使用传统AHP方法构建判断矩阵时,专家对各标度间的区分把握不够准确,带来的评判误差,并取得了符合实际而又较为准确的评估结果。 相似文献
113.
对比分析理论通过对母语和所学外语进行比较,从而帮助教师预测学生在学习外语时可能遇到的困难,其宗旨是要揭示母语在多大程度上影响外语交际能力的迁移．在外语教学实践中,对比分析理论可以用于课程设计与教材编写、课堂教学、外语测试等几个方面．这一理论在外语教学中始终发挥着不可忽视的作用． 相似文献
114.
朱岩 《海军工程大学学报》1997,(4)
运用图式理论解释了阅读理解的心理过程,叙述了文化背景知识对阅读理解的作用和影响,对一项文化背景知识测试结果进行了分析和讨论.研究结果表明:学习和运用文化背景知识的能力是阅读能力中不可缺少的重要组成部分;了解文化背景知识的渠道是多种多样的;学生的文化背景知识水平有待于进一步提高. 相似文献
115.
Albert Mauroni 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(1-2):127-141
The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security. 相似文献
116.
How much mileage can we get out of prospect theory to explain foreign policy decision-making? To answer this question, we first argue that risk as outcome uncertainty is the appropriate definition in prospect-theoretical applications. Then, we indicate that probability weighting—a crucial component of prospect theory—is typically ignored in such applications. We argue why this is problematic and suggest how to move forward. Next, we discuss how to establish the reference point in the face of outcomes in multiple dimensions, as is typically the case in foreign policy decision-making. Finally, we discuss what we have learnt regarding prospect theory’s scope conditions and the differences across individuals in the theory’s applicability. Overall, our contribution lies in identifying several underexposed or neglected issues (e.g., the definition of risk and probability weighting), in examining the advancements regarding prospect theory’s scope conditions, and in discussing avenues for further research. 相似文献
117.
Olivier Schmitt 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(4):463-474
ABSTRACTThis article introduces the key tenets of French foreign and security policy during the Cold War, and illustrates the deep challenges to the French consensus raised by the emergence of a unipolar system. There is a growing gap between the rhetoric of French security policy, emphasizing ‘autonomy’ and ‘sovereignty’ out of habit from the Cold War, and the actual security practices showing a gradual embedding within the transatlantic security structures. In the absence of a new transpartisan grand narrative relevant for the contemporary international system, such embedding is easily portrayed in France as a ‘treason’ from a romanticized Gaullist foreign policy. 相似文献
118.
Steve Carpenter 《Defense & Security Analysis》2014,30(3):283-295
The US strategy in Afghanistan has fallen short of neutralizing the insurgency that threatens the future stability. The primary insurgency's leadership council, the Quetta Shura, has effectively managed influence through a shadow government and superior tactics in recruiting marginalized tribal leaders, leading to a questionable outcome once Coalition forces withdraw in 2014. This article summarizes the threat posed by the Quetta Shura, coinciding with the deficiencies in the current US policy, and recommends a more viable strategy conducive to the current circumstances, based on historical and cultural precedence. Coalition forces have put a great amount of time, money, and effort into establishing a more stable Afghanistan. The USA needs a more aggressive strategy to counter the aspirations of the insurgency, thereby giving the Afghans the opportunity to further progress in the future. Under the current circumstances and policies, a peaceful transition after the Coalition withdrawal is becoming more unlikely. 相似文献
119.
Mete Feridun 《Defence and Peace Economics》2014,25(5):499-508
The present article examines if the foreign aid to North Cyprus is fungible and if it is in a long-run equilibrium relationship with military spending using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag bounds testing procedure from 1977 to 2007. The results suggest that neither tax revenues nor public expenditures are in a long-run equilibrium relationship with foreign aid. However, strong evidence emerges that defence expenditures are in a long-run equilibrium relationship with foreign aid, and that the latter seem to cause the former. 相似文献
120.
Sean M. Maloney 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(2):199-206
Canada is now at a crossroads unlike any other period in its history and needs to carefully consider which path to take. With the new Trudeau government comfortably ensconced since the defeat of the Harper government in the fall of 2015, a variety of competing interests have emerged in an attempt to turn Canadian policy back to a more nostalgic period of the 1970s that some see as preferable to the institutional lash-up that existed since the rolling out of the Canada First policy in the 2000s. That nostalgic period is, however, misunderstood both willfully for political purposes but also through a lack of historical context. Firmly rooting future actions in a blunt analysis of national interests is preferable to the alternative. 相似文献