美国退出《中导条约》与俄美关系发展走向

2018年10月,美国宣布单方面退出《中导条约》。《中导条约》是美苏两国在冷战后期达成的,并得到了切实执行的条约,对于维护冷战后全球战略平衡发挥了至关重要的作用。冷战后,俄美曾经企图将《中导条约》多边化,构建俄美新型战略关系,但最终反目成仇,使得俄美关系严重倒退,并迈入新的相互战略遏制的时代。     

‘Calmly critical’: Evolving Russian views of US hegemony

Russia has consistently opposed US hegemony since the early 1990s. Moscow has sought to create a world overseen by the UN Security Council and several power centres supporting an anti-hegemonic axis. Until recently, Russia's resources have been very limited. Russian opposition therefore was largely conceptual or a work in progress. Russian policy was largely reactive – and non-confrontational. However, the failure of the Russia-US relationship to develop practically has highlighted negative views of US hegemony, and the greater wealth generated through high energy prices is supporting an increasingly active Russian policy.     

美军人机交互研究和应用综述

美军从二战开始就认识到“人”的因素在武器装备功效发挥中的关键作用,从二战到后续多场美国参与的现代化战争中,美军装备制造企业一直在探索如何更好地发挥“人”在武器装备交互回路中的效能。人机交互作为一门复杂的交叉学科、系统工程,做好人机交互工作,要将“人”作为首要研究对象。在20世纪80年代,人机交互概念正式提出之前的几十年时间里,人机功效或人因工程一直是提高“人”与机器综合效能的关键研究问题。随着计算机技术的发展,新的交互技术不断涌现,牵引美军人机交互技术的研究进入快速发展期。通过文献调研的方法,总结提炼了美军人机交互4个主要方面：认知系统工程、交互可用性、VR/AR交互和人/无人机交互,并分别总结叙述美军人机交互相关研究的技术认知、应用案例和发展趋势,为我国相关领域的发展提供借鉴参考。     

美军PBL理论及对我军装备保障的启示

美军和其他一些西方国家实践证明:实施PBL(Performance Based Logistics)策略可提高武器系统的完好率,改进任务可靠度,节约保障资源,缩短保障反应时间,因此其理论及实践受到了国内外研究者及许多军队的重视。结合国内外理论研究成果及美军在PBL方面的实践,对PBL概念、实施步骤、实践应用进行了综述。结合实际,从保障理论研究、组织结构转型、合同商保障法规、教育训练等方面进行了思考,为落实武器系统全寿命周期管理、提高装备保障性能提供思路。     

Hoping for the Best,preparing for the worst: China's response to US hegemony

In the post-Cold War strategic environment, Beijing could plausibly have opted for Soviet-style geostrategic competition with Washington, but it has not. Chinese leaders have not thus far, and almost certainly will never, amass thousands of nuclear weapons on hair-trigger alert or deploy significant forces to a network of bases spanning the globe. Nevertheless, the below assessment of China's increasing hard and soft power yields the conclusion that a Chinese challenge to US hegemony cannot be ruled out. The United States must prudently maintain military forces appropriate to facing a potential peer competitor. At the same time, however, Washington must engage in a process of creative diplomacy that simultaneously matches China's soft power and engages seriously with Beijing to create areas of consensus and cooperation.     

Target Analysis of Shining Path Insurgents in Peru: An Example of US Army Psychological Operations

This article analyzes the assumptions of US and Peruvian military personnel regarding insurgent susceptibilities to psychological operations in 1988. The discussion is based on both archival material and the experiences of the author, who was a member of the joint US-Peruvian team. The paper provides insight into the workings of US Army psychological operations as they were conducted in the 1980s and outlines both the strengths and weaknesses of the approach taken.     

Reward,punishment or inducement? US economic and military aid, 1946–1996

If the US has wielded power as global hegemon, then there should be evidence of a linkage between American resources and the ability to influence behavior. However, there is widespread disagreement on how this power is manifested (see Krause, ). Methodological and epistemological issues have hampered empirical studies of US hegemonic behavior. For example, does the US reward past behavior or does it offer inducements for future behavior? We document and discuss these issues in terms of the aid–foreign policy compliance nexus. The empirical portion of our paper tests whether US military and non‐military aid are correlated with foreign policy similarity. The main merits of our study are that: (1) we test a new measure of foreign policy similarity developed by Signorino and Ritter () and compiled by Gartzke et al. (); (2) we relax the causality issue and test using vector autoregression (VAR) for 76 developing countries; and (3) our time horizon is a minimum of 30 years for each country. Our central finding is that aid is most often used as a reward. More specifically, foreign policy similarity leads to greater economic aid for most African countries, foreign policy similarity leads to greater military aid for a majority of Latin American states, and there are no overarching patterns for Asia and the Middle East. We discuss the implications of our findings in the context of the bargaining and structural approaches to statecraft.