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131.
通信对抗装备的性能越来越强、复杂程度越来越高 ,而维修保障方式和手段的落后制约了装备战斗力的发挥。因此 ,改善装备维修的手段 ,实现装备信息的科学管理就成为一项迫切需要解决的问题。从功能、构成和信息结构、信息管理和软件体系等方面介绍了一个装备维修管理信息系统的设计思想。  相似文献   
132.
美军武装直升机电子战设备的现状与发展趋势   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
介绍了武装直升机在现代战场上面临的种种威胁,重点介绍了美军武装直升机目前装备的电子战设备和尚处于研制中的新一代综合性电子战设备,分析了美军武装直升机电子战设备的发展趋势。  相似文献   
133.
ABSTRACT

Scholars and practitioners of grand strategy agree that the use of military force should be supplemented by appropriate economic policies. However, strangely few accounts of economic complements to military grand strategies have been presented in recent discourse on US grand strategy. This paper takes a first step to fill this information gap. I first assess the role that could be played by economic measures under two types of grand strategies – one focusing on the balance of power and the other emphasising influence and order. Second, I introduce what I call ‘the influence-capability dilemma’ and discuss tradeoffs in adopting certain economic policies in order to help the US sustain pre-eminence in the international system. Third, I discuss how the US should address this dilemma of economic means in dealing with the rising China.  相似文献   
134.
The United States has conducted armed drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004. While there has been some recent work on Pakistani public opinion about drones, there is very little research on how Pakistan’s media characterize the US drone program. This is an important gap in understanding the determinants of Pakistani popular perceptions of this program. Decades of research has shown that “news framing”, a process by which certain aspects of a complex concept are emphasized in political communications with others played down, influences individual cognition while forming political opinions. In this essay, we address this lacuna by assembling an unprecedented sample of editorials about the drone program from three English newspapers and one Urdu newspaper and analyzing the news frames within them. We next compare the trends in these news frames to public opinion data collected by Pew between the spring of 2009 and 2014. Initially, most Pakistanis were unaware of the drone program, media coverage of the program expanded as drone strikes increased in frequency. While Pakistanis became more cognizant of the US drone strikes, even by 2014 large minorities remained unaware. Pakistani public opinion strongly reflected the top media frames, particularly those that are negative. This is an important finding suggesting that newspaper editorials are a good barometer of Pakistani opinions despite the fact that only information elites rely upon newspapers for political information.  相似文献   
135.
在对信息化条件下的防御作战进程分析的基础上,增加信息因素和兵力补充速度对经典的兰彻斯特方程进行改进。通过引入系统动力学方法,构建了信息化条件下的防御作战进程的系统动力学模型,利用系统动力学方法来对改进的兰彻斯特方程进行求解。仿真结果证明了系统动力学在解决复杂兰彻斯特方程中的优越性。  相似文献   
136.
Despite the burgeoning literature on Russia’s renewed power politics, little attention has been paid to the fact that US reactions towards Russia’s military interventions were all but coherent. The USA has chosen weak measures in Georgia in 2008 (shaming) compared to its assertive response in Ukraine in 2014 (sanctions, hard deterrence). This article assesses the explanatory power of neorealist, liberal and constructivist theories for the variation in US reactions towards Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. Our argument is that the constructivist perspective explains the cases best as it highlights the power and communality of normative assessments. The Ukraine crisis was perceived by the USA as a violation of core international norms, especially the non-use of force and the principle of territorial integrity. Relevant international norm carriers shared this assessment of the conflict. In contrast, the perception of the Georgian war centred on the issue of democracy promotion. While democracy is an important aim of US foreign policy, it does not summon the same normative importance as general principles of international law. Furthermore, the perception of the Georgian war remained contested among Western allies, which decreased the communality of the normative assessment.  相似文献   
137.
Following the terrorist attacks against the US in 2001, the Bush administration reaffirmed the Dover ban, the policy that prohibited press coverage of military coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base from conflicts abroad. Conventional wisdom holds that the Bush administration enforced the ban in the hope of maintaining public support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This understanding, though, is incomplete. If the Dover ban were enforced only in response to eroding public opinion, then other coalition states would have responded likewise to this shared incentive. I argue instead that maintaining public support is only one factor among many that led the US to uphold this policy. In addition to considering the influence of factors such as perceived media bias and casualty aversion, I focus on necropolitics and the related impetus for governments to regulate the observation of death. Through this interpretation, part of the American response to the involuntary loss of sovereignty on 9/11 was to exercise control over the observation of death by enforcing the Dover ban. Through comparing the press policies of the US, the UK, and Canada, I show that the necropolitical blow to sovereignty that only the US experienced triggered a repressive policy that only the US was able to maintain.  相似文献   
138.
Russia’s illegal occupation and annexation of the Crimean peninsula in February–March 2014, and the country’s well-documented involvement in the separatist conflict in Eastern Ukraine, have led to a significant worsening of Russia’s relations with the West. Vladimir Putin’s move to redraw Russia’s southern borders through the use of military force and subversive measures has given rise to an uncertainty that goes well beyond the post-Soviet space. Since 2014, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has had to reassess many aspects of its relationship with Russia. The alliance has also initiated various measures to strengthen the military security of its eastern member states, particularly the Baltic states, Poland, and Romania. Further to the North, NATO’s northernmost member – Norway – is following developments in Russia with a heightened sense of awareness. The same goes for non-aligned Sweden and Finland, which are trying to adapt to the emerging, and increasingly complex, security environment in Northern Europe.  相似文献   
139.
针对当前干扰防空环境下的作战特点,通过对网络化作战需求的分析,建立了一种分布式的网络化指挥控制体系架构,并结合协同跟踪的具体作战运用,设计了基于此分布式体系的协同跟踪作战流程,并建立了效能验证模型。对比一般的集中式指挥控制体系,基于分布式的体系具有生存性强、作战使用效能高的特点。  相似文献   
140.
固定翼反潜巡逻机及其作战效能分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
固定翼反潜巡逻机作为战役、战术反潜兵力,在现代海上军事斗争中发挥着极其重要的作用.首先研究了固定翼反潜巡逻机的系统构成、应召反潜的作战过程和特点,全面分析了影响固定翼反潜巡逻机作战效能的各因素,并在此基础上给出了固定翼反潜巡逻机的作战效能分析体系,提出了固定翼反潜巡逻机不同攻潜武器下的效能评估方法,最后通过仿真分析验证了方法的合理性与可行性.  相似文献   
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