Competitive Statehood in Libya: Governing Differently a Specific Setting or Deconstructing its Weak Sovereign State with a Fateful Drift Toward Chaos?

Abstract

Libya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands.     

A Question of ‘Government’ Control: Afghanistan DDR Programs Since 2001

Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs.     

Multilateral defense cooperation in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region: Tentative steps toward a regional NATO?

Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible.     

When are strategic narratives effective? The shaping of political discourse through the interaction between political myths and strategic narratives

Most research on strategic narratives has explored their creation, and their interaction with other elements of national power in the conduct of foreign policy. Yet, the issue of how the targeted political communities receive those strategic narratives, and thus how those narratives are likely to have a political impact, is understudied. This article argues that in order to understand the ways strategic narrative are received within a political community, political myths must be taken into account. It introduces a typology of political myths based on their degree of universality and their degree of coherence with other myths, and shows how those factors influence the reception of strategic narratives. These mechanisms are illustrated through a study of the reception of the Russian strategic narrative in France. This approach offers opportunities to assess the differentiated impact strategic narratives have on political communities.     

舰艇编队作战系统的武器目标分配问题

设我方m艘战舰,对方n个来袭目标.运用灰色局势决策求得目标对各个战舰产生的威胁值排序;再用模拟退火算法,参考目标威胁,单舰根据自身装载的火力发射进行初步武器分配;最后将分配结果传送至融合中心,应用大系统理论的分解协调法,协调武器分配,使得我方武器对本批目标的打击概率最大.仿真基于VC++编程实现,具体分析了算法及思想的可行性.     

远距离反坦克导弹最新发展述评

系统地论述了当前世界范围内各式远距离反坦克导弹的研究、发展、应用、升级改造思路和更新换代情况,以及一些知名公司的研制和发展特色;指出远射程、高精度、大威力,以及良好的适配能力和多用途化将成为其发展的重点。     

军机航电系统实现两级维修的关键技术

简要叙述了航电系统的内涵、维修体制的工作流程及其从三级到两级的变化,着重探讨了航电系统实现两级维修的关键技术,主要包括系统和部件分级技术、智能BIT技术、FMEA技术、维修分析技术.随着航电技术的发展,模块化、综合化、标准化、智能BIT技术和ATE技术的进步,必将设计出满足两级维修体制的航电系统体系结构及其保障系统.     

分布式标图系统关键技术研究

针对分布式标图系统的面临的主要问题,提出运用发布/订阅和消息中间件的技术,实现分布式标图系统的松散耦合,有效地降低了系统中的数据流量.介绍了基于消息中间件和发布/订阅机制实现的分布式标图系统的主要数据结构和功能模块的实现方法,指出这些技术对通用综合态势图的生成也具有重要意义.     

基于SEA的炮兵声测和雷达组网的作战效能分析

反炮兵侦察是炮兵侦察的一项重要任务,声测和雷达是反炮兵侦察的主要装备.针对SEA方法的要求,提出了评估由炮兵声测和雷达组网作战效能的3个主要性能度量(MOP).结合信息化战场环境,建立炮兵声测和雷达组网的作战效能的动态评估模型,为其作战使用提供了理论依据.     

基于ADC的炮兵激光观测仪侦察效能分析

运用了效能分析方法,针对复杂战场环境下炮兵侦察系统的效能进行分析,特别是炮兵激光观测仪,揭示其内在规律,为提高现有侦察装备的作战效能找到重要途径,也为指挥员的决策提供可靠的战略支持.在侦察系统效能分析理论的基础上,对典型的激光观测仪侦察装备进行了计算评估验证,其方法和成果可供其他武器系统效能评估时借鉴参考.