U.S.–RUSSIAN NUCLEAR COOPERATION AND THE CTBT

Post-Cold War “lab-to-lab” collaborations on unclassified scientific issues between U.S. and Russian nuclear weapons laboratories set the stage for bilateral cooperation in materials control and other nuclear areas. They also became the major element in a cooperative process initiated by a Presidential Decision Directive to ensure Russia's compliance with the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. These collaborations have always been highly favored by leaders of the Russian nuclear weapons complex—the same leaders who oversee Russia's participation in various government-to-government programs. This article reviews these collaborations and examines the possibility that U.S. rebuffs of Russian proposals and the U.S. failure to keep promises of expanded collaboration could contribute to Russia's reluctance in major programs and even lead to a return to nuclear testing by Russia. The author argues that a renewed U.S. commitment to the process should be an immediate goal of the Obama administration and is an essential step in re-engaging Russia to solve the nuclear problems remaining from the Cold War. Steps for doing so are recommended.     

Nuclear Subsidies and Proliferation: Clarifying the Link

ABSTRACT

In March 2015, the South Australian state government established a royal commission to investigate the financial, social, technical, diplomatic, and nonproliferation benefits and risks of expanding its nuclear industry, including activities related to uranium mining; enriching, reprocessing, and fabricating nuclear fuels for both domestic use and export; producing nuclear power; and storing radiological waste, including foreign spent reactor fuel. Given its enormous uranium reserves and current mining activities, some Australians have argued that Australia could benefit financially by expanding the mining sector and by adding value to its uranium exports by enriching the material and fabricating it into reactor fuel assemblies. Others have maintained that Australia can realize significant economic benefits by recycling and storing foreign spent fuel and producing carbon-free nuclear power. In the end, the commission recommended that Australia consider opening up a high-level waste repository to take in foreign spent fuel. It did not recommend any other nuclear activities at this time. The following viewpoint is based on testimony I delivered to the commission on the nuclear weapon proliferation implications of the proposed activities. If Australia wants to avoid the temptation of selling nuclear goods to states that might use these goods to make bombs, it should only consider new nuclear activities that can be entirely financed by the private sector and turn a profit without having to resort to foreign sales. This policy would also enable Australia to set an important, new international nonproliferation standard.     

有人机/无人机协同空地攻击效能评估的综合指数模型

研究了未来有人机/无人机协同空地攻击的典型作战模式,然后根据混合编队的作战过程和特点,提出了一种建立有人机/无人机协同空地攻击效能评估的综合指数模型;同时确定了综合指数模型中各分系统和分项能力的评估模型。最后以6种有人机和6种无人机的协同空地攻击效能评估为例计算并检验了模型的可用性。     

空地协同群在防空作战空地协同中的应用

鉴于防空战场形势多变,提出了空地协同群的概念,并主要从作战单元的选取、作战单元进出规则、协同关系的确定和协同通信策略等4个方面进行论述.该概念能够较好地刻画空地协同的基本理论、空地协同的组织与实施等内容,是对网络中心战背景下的空地协同作战的一种全新的诠释.     

舰机协同作战理论的两栖作战火力协同

为了提高航母编队的防空作战效能,必须对火力协同进行优化。提出一种舰艇与舰载机火力协同的方法,该方法在分析舰机协同防空作战火力协同体系的基础上,引入了舰机火力协同防空的概念,描述了舰机火力协同的对象、目标,分析了航母编队防空作战的三道防空警戒幕。通过对预警机引导巡逻机攻击过程的描述,建立舰载机的目标分配模型。在对内层防御区威胁度判断模型进行描述的基础上,建立舰艇的目标分配模型。最后的分析结果表明了该方法的可行性和有效性。     

基于Z形式化规范的多Agent协作模型研究

用形式化规范语言Z定义了多A gen t协作模型的基本元素,包括:A gen t、目标、角色、交互协议和过程,给出了应满足的一致性约束,并通过城市区域的连锁超市物流调度系统说明了该形式化规范为多A gen t协作提供了一致性和连贯性。     

产学研合作模式下的校企“嵌入式”实践教学研究

中国经济结构的转型升级对“复合型优质人才”提出了更高的要求,为增强高等教育对社会的吸引力与竞争力,立足于优质复合型人才的培养,本文结合喀什大学生命与地理科学学院产学研合作模式下的“嵌入式”校企合作项目,结合生物技术专业校企嵌入式教学的特点,就现代教学中存在的问题、校企嵌入式下的实训基地建设内容、建设成效等方面进行阐述。探索出了一种基于工科专业实践教学的嵌入式复合型优质人才的培养方法。更好的实现学校、学生、企业和社会的“多赢”局面,让嵌入式复合型优质人才满足行业的需求,促进社会的发展和进步。     

Swedish–Finnish naval cooperation in the Baltic Sea: motives,prospects and challenges

Recently, Finland and Sweden decided to substantially deepen their defence cooperation and this project involves creating a bilateral standing Naval Task Group (SFNTG). The present article aims at examining the deepening naval cooperation between Finland and Sweden from a regional integration perspective, focusing on its motives, current challenges and future prospects. Driven by perceptions of common challenges and desires for cost-effectiveness, and strengthened by recent successes on sea surveillance and a combined Amphibious Task Unit, the bilateral project has considerable potential to achieve success. To fulfil its objectives, substantial legal changes in both countries are required to allow the use of force on each other’s territorial waters. To cater for the requirement of not conflicting with EU, NORDEFCO or NATO cooperations, the bilateral Task Group must operate according to NATO standards and by using English as the language in command and control. The costs of adjusting the naval units to NATO’s technical requirements are far from negligible and this issue still remains to be solved. If Finland and Sweden manage to incorporate new policies, common structures and common organisational norms among their navies, an even deeper integration, as in Belgium and the Netherlands, are conceivable.     

The Provisional IRA,the Irish border,and Anglo-Irish relations during the Troubles

Using hitherto largely unexplored governmental archives from London and Dublin, this article focuses on the security challenges arising from the existence of the land frontier between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland and the significance of issues of cross-border security cooperation for Anglo-Irish relations from the beginning of the Troubles until the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985. It argues that the relatively safe haven of the Republic was essential to the longevity of the IRA's campaign and that successive Irish governments exploited British security concerns to expand their political influence on Northern Ireland.