全文获取类型
收费全文 | 151篇 |
免费 | 22篇 |
国内免费 | 12篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 8篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 24篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有185条查询结果,搜索用时 234 毫秒
101.
James Johnson 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(2):147-169
Recent developments in artificial intelligence (AI) suggest that this emerging technology will have a deterministic and potentially transformative influence on military power, strategic competition, and world politics more broadly. After the initial surge of broad speculation in the literature related to AI this article provides some much needed specificity to the debate. It argues that left unchecked the uncertainties and vulnerabilities created by the rapid proliferation and diffusion of AI could become a major potential source of instability and great power strategic rivalry. The article identifies several AI-related innovations and technological developments that will likely have genuine consequences for military applications from a tactical battlefield perspective to the strategic level. 相似文献
102.
103.
Clive Jones 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(1-2):160-180
This article examines the debates in Israel between 2009 and 2013 over Iran’s nuclear programme as a reflection of a particular type of civil–military or civil–security relationship. It analyses how key actors within that relationship – particularly those with an intelligence background – engaged with media outlets in Israel and further afield to influence domestic and international opinion over how best to contain Iran’s nuclear ambitions. In so doing, it seeks to address one fundamental question: are governments in Jerusalem any longer the final arbiters over deciding what is in the national security interests of the State of Israel? 相似文献
104.
Gregory D. Koblentz 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(3):372-409
The discovery that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in 2003 raised the question of why Saddam had prevented UN weapons inspectors from fully accounting for his disarmament. The leading explanation for Saddam’s behavior is that he valued ambiguity as part of a strategy of ‘deterrence by doubt’. This article argues that Iraq’s obstruction of inspectors in the late 1990s was motivated by his desire to shield Iraq’s regime security apparatus from UNSCOM’s intrusive counter-concealment inspections. The failure to understand how strongly Saddam’s concerns about his personal safety drove Iraq’s contentious relationship with UNSCOM set the stage for the invasion of Iraq in 2003. 相似文献
105.
106.
107.
为了开展未来信息化战场情报侦察先期概念技术演示,通过采用基于多Agent的仿真方法,把情报侦察系统的内部组元直接映射成相应的Agent,研究了基于多Agent的战场情报侦察仿真系统总体框架和仿真系统基本单元Agent的框架;并进一步研究了Agent之间的任务分解、信息交换、选择与排序、分配过程。构建的仿真模型,以Agent的表现形式获得了对战场情报侦察这一客观、复杂过程的深刻认识,从而可实现对这种动态作战环境行为的仿真。 相似文献
108.
指挥信息系统进行辅助决策很多情况下是一个求解最优化问题的过程,指挥信息系统遇到的很多问题具有非线性,同时指挥信息系统对算法的适应性和收敛速度要求相当严格。对此,普通的优化技术只能求出局部最优解。基于混沌搜索技术的计算智能具有全局搜索能力强、算法简洁、计算量小、收敛速度快的特点,成为一种求解非线性最优化问题全局最优的有效方法。算例表明,当搜索次数达到一定数量时,混沌搜索方法可以保证算法收敛到全局最优解,且计算效率很高。 相似文献
109.
110.