排序方式: 共有41条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Todd Sandler 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(4):319-353
This article identifies and evaluates likely challenges facing NATO today and into the next millennium. These contingencies include ethnic‐based civil wars in Europe, transnational terrorism, rogue states, increased world income inequality, out‐of‐area conflicts, and environmental and resource security. Using concepts and tools from collective action, I assess these challenges and suggest effective policies for addressing them. NATO still has a crucial role to play in maintaining world security in the post‐Cold War era. 相似文献
22.
Sujeet Samaddar 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):435-471
23.
付娟 《兵团教育学院学报》2011,21(1):62-64
高校辅导员是开展大学生思想政治工作的骨干力量,是大学生思想政治教育和管理工作的组织者、实施者和指导者,其多重角色决定了辅导员工作的复杂性和艰巨性。多数调查表明,高校辅导员工作劳累导致成就感甚微,多数辅导员在工作中出现职业倦怠。本文结合辅导员的工作职责和工作环境,对高校辅导员职业倦怠成因及干预策略进行探讨。 相似文献
24.
基于Einistein-Podolsky-Rosen纠缠对与量子安全直接通信(QSDC),提出了一个新的基于Bell态的量子对话协议.通信双方Alice和Bob只需要进行一次通信即可实现双方之间秘密的同时交换.该方案利用一个随机比特串和检测光子来实现安全性,能够抵抗截获/重放攻击、特洛伊木马攻击和纠缠攻击等典型攻击.很多近期提出的协议中存在严重的信息泄漏,也就是说任何窃听者都可以从合法通信者的公开声明中提取到部分秘密信息,我们的方案很好地克服了这一问题.协议的效率较高,可以达到66.7%,同时由于纠缠态粒子只需要进行一次传输,该方案更简单易行.将该协议推广到two-qutrit态,其安全性仍能得到保证. 相似文献
25.
f 壳层耦合态的完全分类与准旋标量算符本征值 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文用二次量子化方法,对l壳层引进准旋、自旋、轨道为(1/2,1/2,l)阶不可约张量的产生-湮灭算符b_(qsm)~(1/2 1/2 t),由4个这种算符按下式耦合成准旋、自旋、轨道标量算符, (?)Y (K_1,k_2,k_3) 与准旋、自旋、轨道算符对易,可用于对耦合态进一步分类。利用Y(k_1,k_2,k_3)与准旋、自旋、轨道算符的适当结合,本文给出了对f壳层完全分类的算符(组),给出了与G.Racah对f壳层分类一致的算符组。 相似文献
26.
地址随机化ASLR是一种针对控制流劫持漏洞的防御机制。已有的漏洞自动分析与利用技术缺少对地址随机化机制影响的分析,导致生成的测试用例在实际环境中的运行效果受到极大限制。针对地址随机化的缺陷及其绕过技术的特点,本文提出了一种地址随机化脆弱性分析方法。该方法使用有限状态机描述程序运行路径中各关键节点的状态;针对常见的内存泄漏与控制流劫持场景建立约束条件;通过求解内存泄露状态约束与控制流劫持状态约束的兼容性,分析地址随机化机制在特定场景下的脆弱性。实验结果显示,该方法可有效检测通过内存泄漏导致的地址随机化绕过及控制流劫持攻击,实现自动化的地址随机化脆弱性分析,提高针对软件安全性分析的效率。 相似文献
27.
Ulrich Schneckener 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2017,28(4-5):799-816
AbstractMilitias and rebels depart from different angles when it comes to the politics of legitimacy. While rebels have to address the issue of legitimacy early on in order to gain popular support, militias can rely on some kind of ‘borrowed legitimacy’. Based on this observation, the paper introduces militias as special form of organised violence visible in many civil wars and fragile states as well as elaborates on the politics of legitimacy typical for militias. By distinguishing different forms of militia violence (counter-insurgency, counter-rival and counter-crime), the articles shows how militias respond to major challenges in legitimizing violent actions. 相似文献
28.
Shang-su Wu 《Defence Studies》2018,18(1):76-94
As fixed facilities, naval fortresses seem unlikely to be important in a sea denial strategy which is usually about mobility, but new defence technologies and the changing geostrategic environment may revive the concept of the fortress. Extended ranges of anti-ship means allow onshore firepower to engage enemies over distance, even beyond the economic exclusive zones where most maritime territorial disputes occur. In the face of size limits on missile warheads that constrain their destruction of hardened targets, various active and passive defence technologies against missiles can enhance the survivability of onshore fortresses. Furthermore, onshore locations give fortresses the advantage of being unsinkable and able to accommodate greater energy and firepower capacity in contrast to vessels, as well as other mobile platforms. The onshore nature of fortresses also gives a different political meaning to being attacked, for the clear violation of sovereignty, as opposed to vessels and aircraft in a disputed space. However, the fact those fortresses are not invincible means cooperation with other existing capabilities still necessary. The case of Vietnam demonstrates how fortresses could strengthen the inferior defence capability of a coastal state vis-à-vis. a stronger sea power. 相似文献
29.
Jahara Matisek 《Defense & Security Analysis》2018,34(3):267-290
ABSTRACTThe United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since the end of World War Two. During the Cold War, it proved vital in protecting numerous regimes from communist takeovers. Successful outcomes occurred when American leaders made large initial aid commitments, and the states had the capacity and political willpower to use it effectively. However, Vietnam was an example of how U.S. support lagged, as leaders in Saigon preferred political survival instead of creating regime legitimacy. Following 9/11, American security aid focused on making weak countries develop stronger security forces. Unfortunately, this created Fabergé egg militaries: expensive and easily broken by insurgents. This article suggests long-term strategic commitments need to be made alongside more resources for the American State Department and similar organizations to focus on the politics of state-building. Finally, this article suggests strategies, such as “whole-of-government” approaches, to improve long-term security and political institution building. 相似文献
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