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21.
Abstract

A tremendous amount of important work has been done recently on operationalising the protection of civilians as a military task. The bulk of the discussion has focused on how militaries should respond to direct attacks on civilians. This is an important issue, but thinking about civilian protection should also include a serious examination of the ways in which the approach of military organisations to the problem of ‘spoiler’ groups can affect the level and dynamics of attacks on civilians – importantly, where armed groups are interested in violent control of civilian populations, attempts to ‘dislodge’ them from areas of control may substantially increase the level of violence against civilians (beyond the dangers to be expected from being near areas where active fighting is taking place). In 2009, the United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) supported the Congolese military in operations to dismantle the Hutu-dominated FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) militia group, at massive human cost. Critics have primarily focused on MONUC's failure to protect civilians from direct attack, consonant with the general discourse on tactics for civilian protection. These criticisms are valid, but in this paper I argue that two crucial additional considerations should be kept in mind: the way that military operations can affect violence against civilians, and the way that moralising the approach to armed groups, even those which have committed serious abuses, can limit military and political options – potentially in ways that increase civilian risk in the name of protecting them.  相似文献   
22.
    
ABSTRACT

Civilian victimization, whether deliberate or collateral, is a common occurrence in civil war. This study investigates patterns of civilian victimization during the 5-year Battle of Aleppo, a major campaign of the Syrian Civil War in which there were 24,462 documented civilian fatalities. We argue that the primary belligerents and their external patrons respond to shifts in the conflict’s strategic balance of power, employing more indiscriminate force when their opponent is gaining advantage, resulting in higher civilian fatalities. A quantitative analysis of the Battle of Aleppo models weekly civilian fatalities as a function of belligerents’ conflict initiation interacted with regime and rebel offensives aimed at shifting the status quo. While regime-initiated conflict events appear to be the primary determinant of civilian fatalities, our analysis finds that conflict events initiated by the opposition forces during periods of rebel offensive gains are associated with fewer civilian casualties, while pro-government external intervention during rebel offensives is associated with elevated civilian fatalities. We expand on these findings through a focused case study of third party intervention during the final year of the battle, with emphasis on the Russian intervention on behalf of the Syrian Regime that broke the opposition’s final counteroffensive.  相似文献   
23.
ABSTRACT

Recent historical research exposed the myth of self-restraint as the distinctive feature of British counterinsurgency during decolonisation. This article shows that the revisionist historiography of British counterinsurgency has important, but unnoticed, implications for political scientists. Specifically, historical scholarship challenges the predictions and causal mechanisms of the main social scientific theses of civilian victimisation in counterinsurgency. Using revisionist historians’ works as a source of data, I test those theses against Britain’s decolonisation conflicts. I find that they do not pass the test convincingly. I conclude that political scientists should be more willing to explore the theoretical implications of new historical evidence on counterinsurgency campaigns.  相似文献   
24.
Can peacekeeping participation help reform military institutions in democratizing states? Drawing on evidence from Nepal – one of the world's largest troop contributors to UN peacekeeping operations – this essay illustrates that participation in peace missions can sometimes undermine security sector reform and deteriorate civil–military relations. Furthermore, this analysis shows that peacekeeping participation will not necessarily reorient troops away from their conventional internal roles (such as counterinsurgency) or improve civilian control over the armed forces. Hence, civilians can lose control over soldiers just as frequently when they are deployed overseas as when they are at home.  相似文献   
25.
谢玉科  何昊宸 《国防科技》2021,42(5):102-107
军民协同创新体系由军地管理机构、高校、科研院所、企业以及中介机构等不同类型的创新主体组成,各主体通过正式和非正式关系联结,将单个创新主体有限的私有知识置于知识网络中。知识网络具有异质性、自主性、层次性和复杂性等特点,结构上分为节点要素、关系要素和环境要素。本文认为,军民协同创新体系通过网络上不同类型节点的相互作用和联系来扩散和使用知识,实现知识创新的目的,在此过程中,私有知识转移扩散、整合共有、吸收应用的交替循环运动实现知识持续积累与螺旋上升。军民协同创新体系知识网络的形成与运行,既需要发挥市场机制的基础性作用,也需要发挥军地管理机构的引导作用,以及中介机构的纽带和支撑作用,通过“有为政府”和“有效市场”的良性互动,最大限度凝聚知识创新的社会合力。  相似文献   
26.
    
ABSTRACT

While nuclear suppliers compete in markets, they simultaneously partner in other fields. This produces a delicate relationship between civilian nuclear programs and nuclear weapon proliferation. This study explores how export competition affects suppliers’ conditions of supply related to nuclear nonproliferation. We investigated three export cases (India, North Korea, and South Korea) and identified four effects that competition has on the conditions of supply related to nonproliferation. First, under highly competitive conditions, suppliers might hesitate to enforce the conditions of supply to avoid negotiation conflicts with recipients. Second, suppliers focus on politically and economically attractive recipients while mostly ignoring unattractive ones, perhaps allowing proliferation problems to fester out of view in marginal states. Third, suppliers can build consensus on the conditions of supply to avoid being the only party experiencing negotiation conflicts. Fourth, suppliers can constrain others from relaxing the conditions of supply to maintain economic benefits and nonproliferation norms. The first two effects accelerate proliferation while the last two promote nonproliferation. Although the extent of these effects can vary with changes in nonproliferation norms, they can contribute to our understanding of the relationship between nonproliferation and civilian nuclear programs.  相似文献   
27.
In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population.  相似文献   
28.
全军和武警部队实行文职人员制度以来,有效减少了现役编制员额,广泛吸纳了社会优秀人才,增强了军队人才队伍活力,降低了军队人力资源使用成本,在推动军队建设整体转型中发挥了重要作用。然而,在文职人员制度实行过程中,仍然存在认识不到位、重使用轻管理、重任务轻培养等问题。为此,要进一步完善文职人员管理使用制度,增强文职人员队伍活力,提供施展才华、建功立业的事业平台,增强文职人员集体荣誉感和奉献精神,营造拴心留人的良好氛围,使文职人员成为提高部队战斗力、增强“能打胜仗”本领的生力军。  相似文献   
29.
于力  马振利  徐磊 《国防科技》2017,38(4):126-130
武警部队非战争军事行动不断延伸,为满足遂行多样化任务的需要,武警无人机发展势在必行。借助军民融合优势,强化已有机型功能,拓展研发适合各警种任务特点的新机型,分析并提出武警无人机未来发展方向,以期为提升各警种联合行动效能提供思路。  相似文献   
30.
军民融合是跨军地、跨部门、跨领域的复杂系统工程,是全面建成小康社会进程中实现强军和富国兼顾的必由之路,分析我国军民融合研究演化过程以及知识基础,可为我国军民融合提供理论支撑,对我国军事建设与经济发展具有重要意义。本文通过cnki数据库,搜集有关军民融合相关文献。从关键词、作者及研究机构等方面绘制相关知识图谱,理顺当前军民融合研究脉络,了解军民融合研究现状与发展趋势。按照绘制的军民融合知识图谱和相关数据,对军民融合研究进行总结,为将来军民融合研究提供参考。  相似文献   
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