排序方式: 共有126条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
针对坦克超近程主动防护雷达系统中的收发天线隔离问题,分析了由周期结构光子晶体高阻表面形成的人工磁导体(AMC)的等效模型,给出了其反射系数与相移的关系.由于其对电磁波表现出来的吸收和产生相移的特点,提出一种利用光子晶体高祖表面代替传统隔条来提高天线隔离度的新方法.实验结果证明,该方法能使得收发天线在200MHz的带宽达到- 80dB以下的隔离度,满足系统要求,并且结构简单、成本低,具有很大的应用价值. 相似文献
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103.
Derrick V. Frazier 《Defence Studies》2017,17(4):379-397
Multinational Military Exercises (MMEs) are often viewed by states as opportunities to increase interoperability, improve cooperation, and solve common security problems. We argue that in addition to this, MMEs work as tools to shape the shared beliefs of coalition partners surrounding threat. Specifically, MMEs allow multinational forces to identify best practices, consolidate beliefs, and codify behavior through doctrine, typically by means of some institutional process. We examine our argument on MMEs through an analysis of various multinational and coalition partner efforts to identify security threats and cooperate through the development of common doctrine at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels of warfare. Our analysis suggests that the use of MMEs for doctrine development does help to socialize states in terms of identifying common threats and subsequently sharing a process by which to address them. 相似文献
104.
将各个项目单元抽象为不同的知识源,详细分析了集成化管理环境下的知识协同问题,提出了基于权威性加权原则的知识协同处理策略,并就策略修正、协同求解等问题作了分析说明。在此基础上,采取前向调度算法和逆向调度算法相结合的迭代算法,建立了协同工作中的任务调度模型,算例证明,模型能够有效满足各约束条件下任务的增删需求。 相似文献
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Jaclyn Tandler 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(2):125-148
“French nuclear diplomacy” is the French government's use of civilian nuclear cooperation agreements (NCAs) to advance specific commercial and strategic interests. During the heart of the so-called nuclear renaissance, the Élysée Palace aggressively peddled France's nuclear expertise and technology abroad, signing over a dozen new NCAs in an effort to bring in business for the French industry, forge diplomatic relationships, and promote global nonproliferation norms. Several years later, however, the outcomes of France's aggressive global nuclear power push appear nominal at best. This article explores the mixed results of this nuclear campaign, and through three case studies, illustrates how many of France's commercial and political disappointments stem from unrealistic expectations and the disorganization of the French nuclear complex. 相似文献
106.
为了解决提高航母编队防空作战效能的问题,运用决策树方法分析航母编队防空作战指挥网是一种新方法。先分析航母编队的指挥机构,分析决策群指、作战平台与任务之间的关系。描述了编队协同网和编队指挥关系网,建立了编队指挥关系网的数学模型,采用决策树方法求解该数学模型,给出了编队指挥关系网的设计算法,通过实例分析了算法的计算过程,对结果进行输出。结论:预警机与远程巡逻机战术群是指挥关系网的最高决策点。这些工作为设计和优化航母编队舰机协同防空作战指挥网提供了一定的理论基础。 相似文献
107.
Lauren Sukin 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):379-400
ABSTRACTSeveral states in the Middle East have noted their interest in nuclear energy programs, but current cost and timeline estimates understate the difficulties that these states will face. A state-level analysis of nuclear development capacities in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates suggests that building nuclear infrastructure in the region will, in fact, be a lengthy and expensive endeavor, due to concerns such as export constraints, public opposition, a lack of human resources, and high overhead costs. This has implications for nuclear weapon nonproliferation: first, fears that these developing nuclear energy capabilities may facilitate possible weapon proliferation are premature, and second, there is time to ensure that any burgeoning nuclear infrastructure in the region remains safe and civilian in nature. 相似文献
108.
Michael W. Chinworth 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(2):369-401
Defense budgets in Japan have been complicated compromises from numerous inputs ‐ including threat perceptions, domestic industrial/technological base development, support for the bilateral security treaty with the United States and internal bureaucratic politics ‐ but with the fall of the former Soviet Union, the clearest justification for higher spending disappeared. Double‐digit defense spending increases that were common in the 1980s have been replaced by annual increases lower than present inflation rates, resulting in negative real growth in the country's defense budget. Domestic economic problems and consistent government pressures for smaller budgets have further slowed annual growth in total spending and have contributed to lower procurement budgets. As a result, the domestic Japanese defense industry is facing far more constrained conditions from the growth years of a decade before. Government policymakers are examining Japan's regional security environment as well as its alliance with the United States to determine the appropriate course for the country to take in the coming years. The formal security treaty with the United States is likely to remain a major element of government positions, but other aspects of the country's overall security posture are open to debate. Perceptions of a reduced threat environment are fueling additional pressures for defense budget cuts. The domestic defense industry seeks means to assure its survival in domestic defense markets in this constrained environment. Expansion into overseas markets to offset declining domestic markets is an option that currently is constrained by policy restrictions on arms exports. Industry is advocating re‐examination of those policies and unlike earlier years, government appears willing to respond positively but cautiously to this lobbying. 相似文献
109.
Stephen I. Schwartz 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):1-2
The Nonproliferation Review (NPR) recently interviewed Ambassador Sergio de Queiroz Duarte of Brazil, who presided over the 2005 Seventh Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Ambassador Duarte discussed his views on the outcome of the conference and the future of the treaty. He provided NPR with valuable insights into the outcome of the conference and also shared his thoughts on some of the most pressing issues confronting the NPT today, including the Middle East, nuclear terrorism, elimination of the threat of highly enriched uranium in the civilian nuclear sector, proposals to limit access to the nuclear fuel cycle, nuclear disarmament, and negative security assurances. Blaming the failed conference on a general lack of political commitment among states parties and their unwillingness to negotiate common solutions, Ambassador Duarte stressed that “the conference should face squarely its own failure without my attempting to disguise or sugarcoat the deep differences of view, which must be resolved with courage and determination by the states parties if they want the treaty to remain effective.”?He emphasized that if states fail to act on their overriding interest in upholding the NPT, especially if states parties continue to ignore or disregard their nonproliferation and nuclear disarmament obligations, some states might come to believe that their security interests are no longer served by the treaty. The future prospects of the NPT would then “look dire indeed.” 相似文献
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CHRIS MAROLENG 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):45-48
The election of Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed as the transitional president of Somalia was the climax of the United Nations (UN)-led Djibouti peace process. The election, it was hoped, would herald the beginning of the reconstitution of the Somalian state. Unfortunately, nearly three years after the event, that has still not happened. The government of Sheik Sharif has faced a number of challenges which are yet to be resolved. In the end, the Djibouti peace process has not guaranteed a stable and functional national government in Somalia. 相似文献