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Nancy W. Gallagher 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):469-498
ABSTRACTSince the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is. 相似文献
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The success of any humanitarian aid mission is generally measured by the timeliness of critical supplies that are delivered to the affected area. However, a more interesting analysis may be to determine the effect of the aid on the overall satisfaction of the local population. The authors' research focused on the delivery of humanitarian aid to a notional region that was decimated by flooding with ships, landing craft and security personnel provided by the US Navy and Marines. While the research effort addressed naval force structure, the focus of the research was: (1) to assess different delivery methods for the aid; and (2) to determine how the aid delivery impacted the overall satisfaction of the local population. To examine both concerns, two simulation models were developed, with one examining the throughput of aid delivered during the operation, and the other the satisfaction of the population based on the humanitarian aid effort. 相似文献
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为探究影响金属射流欧姆加热效应的因素,在被动电磁装甲系统等效电路模型的基础上,根据虚拟源点理论建立金属射流的作用时间模型,进一步明确金属射流在侵彻被动电磁装甲过程中每部分射流微元的作用时间;结合金属射流的比作用量模型,利用Matlab软件对金属射流的电流和比作用量波形随被动电磁装甲系统的电感、电容、电阻和充电电压的变化规律进行数值分析.仿真结果表明:随着系统电感的减小、电阻的减小、电容的增大和充电电压的增大,金属射流比作用量的峰值增大,有利于射流发生电爆炸. 相似文献
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从单无人机机动飞行向多机协同扩展的通用规划框架出发,介绍了其中各模块相关研究的基本原理、代表性方法和前沿研究,主要包括用于环境障碍感知的实时导航地图构建、离散空间的路径规划、连续空间的轨迹规划、基于离散连续混合空间的规划、多航迹或轨迹的协同规划。综合无人机通用规划框架的关键技术,提出了无人机协同机动规划下一步需要重点研究的方向。 相似文献
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潜艇自航式诱饵组合使用方法的优劣主要评判依据是使用的方法最终使得潜艇对抗鱼雷成功的概率,对抗时间和诱骗距离是影响对抗成功概率的两个重要因素,它们又主要围绕发射时机、初始航向以及潜艇机动等几个问题展开。通过分析各个诱饵的作战使命,在一定态势下,根据诱饵的性能、鱼雷报警距离及舷角等各方面因素,建立大小口径声诱饵协同作战的弹道模型,并由此得到了诱饵发射时机、初始航向等参数。 相似文献
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我军拥有丰富的遂行非战争军事行动理论总结和实践经验,但总体来说,还缺乏一个遂行具体任务的科学机制。从构建我军遂行非战争军事行动的操作机制、运行机制和保障机制入手,构建我军遂行非战争军事行动的科学机制,为新形势下我军更好地遂行非战争军事行动提供理论指导。 相似文献
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多信道所带来的MCC(Multiple Channel Coordination)问题是影响多信道系统性能的重要因素。文章针对无线Ad Hoc网络,提出了一种多信道协同MAC(Media Access Control)协议。该协议扩展了协同通信的概念,邻节点不再转发发送节点的数据,而是帮助发送节点发现和避免多信道中的MCC问题。文章还对经典二维Markov模型进行了改进,加入了多信道和协同机制,对所提协议进行了建模,分析了协同机制对系统性能的影响,并推导出了吞吐量性能和时延性能的表达式。仿真结果表明,采用协同机制可以有效解决MCC问题,文章中所提协议相对传统多信道MAC协议可以大大提高吞吐量和时延性能。 相似文献
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