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621.
Nancy W. Gallagher 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):469-498
ABSTRACTSince the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is. 相似文献
622.
J. Thomas Moriarty 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(3):476-497
The purpose of this paper is to provide a better conceptualization of insurgent strategies. Specifically, I shall examine Che Guevara's ‘Foco’ theory of insurgency, as it is one of the most theoretically popular and most pervasive strategies of insurgency currently practiced throughout the world. After briefly examining the origins, objectives, and theoretical strengths of the Foco theory (also known as the Vanguard Theory), I will argue that Guevara's theory suffers from an internal tension that I term the ‘Vanguard's Dilemma’. The significance of this dilemma creates a tension within the Vanguard Theory that can be fatal for insurgents if properly exploited by counterinsurgent operations. This paper will examine in detail this dilemma and show how it can be exploited. Given that several insurgent groups within Iraq and Afghanistan currently adhere to the Vanguard Theory of insurgency, a proper understanding of this insurgent strategy is an essential first step in the long road towards confronting and winning asymmetrical conflicts. 相似文献
623.
Stephen Pampinella 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):721-743
As US counterinsurgency campaigns draw to a close, doctrine for asymmetric warfare written during the War on Terror has come under heavy criticism. While many have argued that this shift to ‘winning hearts and minds’ is evidence that the United States is taking humanitarianism and nation-building seriously, others argue that a wide gap exists between US counterinsurgency doctrine and the protection of civilians afflicted by conflict. In this article, I show that the latter is true by comparing theories of instrumental and communicative action to US doctrine for operational design, stability operations, and counterinsurgency. I argue that these texts treat the people as an object to be manipulated for the achievement of pre-determined self-interested strategic goals rather than members of a community that jointly designs operations to fulfill shared objectives. However, US doctrine does contain communicative elements that, if prioritized, would better support humanitarian and state-building objectives otherwise subordinated in the War on Terror. 相似文献
624.
为使单电子晶体管达到实际应用的地步,开展室温条件下相关研究成为必然。从正统理论出发,推导、计算出室温条件下单电子晶体管能否正常工作的库仑岛临界尺寸:存储器件为6.5nm,逻辑器件为1.5nm;本文还推导和计算出单电子晶体管室温下发生能量量子化效应的临界尺寸:4.7nm,并对这3种临界尺寸进行了验证和分析。另外,通过比较分析本文还得出了室温条件下,所有逻辑器件均必须考虑能量量子化效应,所有存储器件应尽量考虑能量量子化效应的结论。分析结果表明,库仑岛临界尺寸的确定对单电子晶体管的实际应用具有重要意义。 相似文献
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629.
综述了组织模型的研究现状,用维修组织的存在环境、构成要素、维修目标、维修策略和存在时间建立了复杂装备维修系统的形式化模型,分析并研究了维修组织要素之间的交互、隶属与协作关系,定义了维修系统的元组织。该方法可描述动态复杂条件下的维修系统,有利于装备维修保障信息系统的计算机建模与实现。 相似文献
630.
装备采购理论体系研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
为加强装备采购理论研究的顶层设计,促进装备采购理论发展,在分析装备采购理论体系研究必要性的基础上,运用纵横统一的方法,对装备采购理论体系框架进行了构建,对装备采购理论研究方向进行了规划。 相似文献