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51.
52.
We have used the Michigan Model of World Production and Trade to assess the impact of exports and imports of armaments (based on 1980 data) on sectoral trade and employment and other economic variables in the major Western trading countries. If the United States were to place a unilateral embargo on its arms exports and imports, we calculate that it would experience a comparatively small amount of employment displacement in the aggregate and that most of this displacement would occur in the transport equipment and electric machinery sectors. If all the major Western countries were to place a multilateral embargo on their arms trade, the sectoral effects on the United States would be similarly small. But the sectoral effects in several other industrialized and developing countries measured as a percentage of sectoral employment, would be larger, indicating potential short‐run adjustment problems in labor markets in some cases. 相似文献
53.
Lani Miyoshi Sanders Sharon M. DeLand Arian L. Pregenzer 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):475-489
In his 2009 Prague speech and the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, President Barack Obama committed the United States to take concrete steps toward nuclear disarmament while maintaining a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent. There is an inherent tension between these two goals that is best addressed through improved integration of nuclear weapons objectives with nuclear arms control objectives. This article reviews historical examples of the interaction between the two sets of objectives, develops a framework for analyzing opportunities for future integration, and suggests specific ideas that could benefit the nuclear weapons enterprise as it undergoes transformation and that could make the future enterprise compatible with a variety of arms control futures. 相似文献
54.
Charles Streeper 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):531-550
Radioactive sealed sources have a long history and a much wider worldwide distribution than do weapons-usable fissile materials. This article compares the mechanisms for controlling radioactive sources with those of weapons-usable materials and makes the case for improved policy making on the safe and secure management of radioactive sources (often referred to simply as “sources”). Such sources have been widely distributed with commercial and government support to nearly every country, yet there are no legally binding, international agreements or regulations to control any aspect of their life cycle. This is problematic because some sources that are disused, abandoned, or otherwise fall out of regulatory control could be used in the form of a radiological dispersal device (RDD, or dirty bomb). An RDD could pose significant economic and psychological impacts with the potential for detrimental effects on public health. The lack of international measures to control sources is troubling for several reasons: creating an RDD is much easier than fashioning a nuclear weapon from scratch or from stolen fissile materials; given the many incidents involving diversion from regulatory control and the misuse of sources, an RDD attack would be one of the more likely scenarios; materials security for sources is generally weak and inconsistent; it is nearly impossible to determine the total amount of sources manufactured and distributed; used sources are frequently found uncontrolled and transiting borders, and penalties are light at best; the market-based supply and demand of sources facilitates their rapid and loosely regulated distribution; and the “peaceful uses” aspect of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons along with norms that began developing around the time of Atoms for Peace have promoted the nearly unchecked global distribution of sources. Several immediate and long-term actions are suggested to reduce the threat posed by radiological sources. 相似文献
55.
Douglas B. Shaw 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):357-363
The Middle East is a crucial region for the global nonproliferation regime. In 2010, the state parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons proposed a conference on a Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction-Free Zone. The nuclear weapon-free zone model, on which this idea builds, has achieved important results in other regions, but faces especially stark challenges in the Middle East. However, the attempt to apply the boldly imaginative zone approach to the Middle East holds promise for building a more inclusive dialogue on nonproliferation and regional security. 相似文献
56.
Gerald Felix Warburg 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):451-471
On October 1, 2008, Congress enacted a proposal that originated with President George W. Bush in 2005 to approve an unprecedented nuclear trade pact with India by removing a central pillar of US nonproliferation policy. Despite the numerous political challenges confronting the Bush administration, the initiative won strong bipartisan support, including votes from Democratic Senators Joseph Biden, Hillary Clinton, and Barack Obama. The four-year struggle to pass the controversial US-India nuclear trade agreement offers an exceptionally valuable case study. It demonstrates a classic tradeoff between the pursuit of broad multilateral goals such as nuclear nonproliferation and advancement of a specific bilateral relationship. It reveals enduring fault lines in executive branch relations with Congress. It vividly portrays challenges confronting proponents of a strong nonproliferation regime. This article is based on an analysis of the negotiating record and congressional deliberations, including interviews with key participants. It assesses the lessons learned and focuses on three principal questions: how did the agreement seek to advance US national security interests?; what were the essential elements of the prolonged state-of-the-art lobbying campaign to win approval from skeptics in Congress?; and what are the agreement's actual benefits—and costs—to future US nonproliferation efforts? 相似文献
57.
在对军事决策问题的主要特点进行分析的基础上,提出从军事概念模型到数学模型再到定性推理模型的一体化建模思想.以空军航空兵遂行直接航空火力支援任务为想定背景,根据EATI模板,利用基于UML的Rose工具依次对想定任务的实体、任务、交互等进行分析;对于兵力筹划中的结构化问题建立了机会约束多目标规划数学模型;对于非结构化问题则构造了推理机,推理机体现了定量与定性相结合的决策分析思想.最后,以一个实例验证文章思路的可行性. 相似文献
58.
KKV质量、质心、转动惯量一体化测量方法研究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
从提高动能拦截器质量、质心、转动惯量测量设备在动能拦截器轻小型化发展趋势下的通用程度和性能鲁棒性角度 ,提出一种无称重传感器条件下的质量、质心、转动惯量一体化测量方法。该方法将对动能拦截器质量、质心和转动惯量的测量转化为对不同加载状态下转台摆动周期的测量 ,数学仿真结果表明了该方法在原理上的可行性和有效性 相似文献
59.
The opportunistic maintenance of a k‐out‐of‐n:G system with imperfect preventive maintenance (PM) is studied in this paper, where partial failure is allowed. In many applications, the optimal maintenance actions for one component often depend on the states of the other components and system reliability requirements. Two new (τ, T) opportunistic maintenance models with the consideration of reliability requirements are proposed. In these two models, only minimal repairs are performed on failed components before time τ and the corrective maintenance (CM) of all failed components are combined with PM of all functioning but deteriorated components after τ; if the system survives to time T without perfect maintenance, it will be subject to PM at time T. Considering maintenance time, asymptotic system cost rate and availability are derived. The results obtained generalize and unify some previous research in this area. Application to aircraft engine maintenance is presented. © 2000 John Wiley & Sons;, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 47: 223–239, 2000 相似文献
60.
涉外型院校实施体育“双语教学”的可行性研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
焦峪平 《兵团教育学院学报》2006,16(3):49-51
在社会飞速发展的时代,经济的进步促使知识的日新月异,导致教学模式的不断创新。伴随着我国加入WTO,双语教学应运而生.在体育教学中运用双语教学,是体育教学模式的大胆尝试和教学手段的创新.涉外型院校具有实施体育双语教学得天独厚的条件,双语教学的实施具有重要意义,并有可行性。 相似文献