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911.
朱晓利 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2009,25(7):80-82
学习动机是直接推动学生学习的内部动因,是影响学习效果的主要因素。学生只有了解外语学习动机的分类及其作用,才能确立正确的学习动机,才能有效地提高外语学习成绩。 相似文献
912.
本文从英语专业的培养目标入手,分析了英语专业综合英语课程教学中存在的问题,通过对如何改进该课程教学的探讨,提出了在教学中重视培养学生的综合能力、学习策略及创新能力,英语专业人才培养才能更好地为社会需求服务。 相似文献
913.
914.
十八大以来,习主席关于国防和军队建设重要论述,体现了我党军事指导理论的创新发展,既是习主席治国理政思想在军事领域的重要体现,也处处体现了辩证唯物主义的思想方法。学习贯彻习主席关于国防和军队建设的重要论述,必须牢牢把握其思想精华,把意志和力量凝聚到实现中国梦强军梦上来,推动国防和军队建设的创新发展。 相似文献
915.
916.
O. Zeynep Akşin 《海军后勤学研究》2007,54(2):221-235
This paper derives optimal policies for when to hire, train, and lay off employees in service organizations when worker productivity appreciates deterministically or stochastically under constant, monotonic, and cyclic service demand. The model, an extension of the machine replacement problem from the engineering economy literature, uses infinite horizon linear programming to produce optimal personnel planning strategies and dual prices that characterize the workforce's economic value. The effect of employee attrition is also considered. In its valuation of human assets, unlike pure accounting approaches that only try to measure, this paper proposes an approach to capture the interaction between firm decisions pertaining to human resources and human resource value. © 2006 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2007 相似文献
917.
为了尽快分析出未知水雷障碍参数,根据水雷战的特点,提出了建立未知水雷障碍参数分析专家系统的观点,对专家系统的设计方法进行了一定的探讨,并针对专家系统建立中的\"瓶颈\"问题,提出了基于Vague集插值近似推理的专家系统知识自动获取方法,在介绍推理过程的基础上给出了算例.从推理的结果来看,该方法具有较高的可信度,从而为专家系统的研制提供了一定的方法支持. 相似文献
918.
Stephen Pampinella 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):721-743
As US counterinsurgency campaigns draw to a close, doctrine for asymmetric warfare written during the War on Terror has come under heavy criticism. While many have argued that this shift to ‘winning hearts and minds’ is evidence that the United States is taking humanitarianism and nation-building seriously, others argue that a wide gap exists between US counterinsurgency doctrine and the protection of civilians afflicted by conflict. In this article, I show that the latter is true by comparing theories of instrumental and communicative action to US doctrine for operational design, stability operations, and counterinsurgency. I argue that these texts treat the people as an object to be manipulated for the achievement of pre-determined self-interested strategic goals rather than members of a community that jointly designs operations to fulfill shared objectives. However, US doctrine does contain communicative elements that, if prioritized, would better support humanitarian and state-building objectives otherwise subordinated in the War on Terror. 相似文献
919.
Sarah Bidgood 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):329-340
ABSTRACTDespite living in a nuclear-weapon state, young Americans are generally ill-informed about weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and their means of control. The result is both widespread apathy toward nonproliferation and disarmament decision making among the general public and a looming personnel crisis within government sectors that enact policy in these domains. Considering that 67 percent of high school graduates in the United States go on to pursue a bachelor’s degree, exposing more undergraduates to nonproliferation and disarmament issues could contribute to addressing both of these challenges. The present study analyzes how these issues are already being taught at select US colleges and universities and explores ways to introduce them to more students that align with current priorities in higher education, such as interdisciplinary learning, digital humanities, and data-science learning. It also proposes concrete steps that the WMD policy community can take to help institutions of higher education integrate these topics more broadly into their curricula. The anticipated result is greater support for education in this important issue area across different stakeholders in academia, as well as increased engagement with these critical issues among a more diverse population of young people. 相似文献
920.
Nancy W. Gallagher 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):469-498
ABSTRACTSince the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is. 相似文献