公安系统科研成果管理的信息化解决方案

针对公安科研工作的现状及特点,提出了适合公安科技管理部门进行信息化管理的信息系统解决方案。简要分析了系统需求,从系统数据流程、软件结构及功能框架、实现方案、系统安全保密架构几方面设计了系统体系结构,为公安科研工作提供了统一的科研成果信息化管理平台。     

论公安现役高校在构建和谐社会中的角色定位

公安现役高校在公安教育体系中处于重要位置,承担着人才培养、科学研究和服务部队的重要任务,对构建和谐社会责无旁贷。准确定位公安现役高校在构建和谐社会中所扮演的角色,可以充分发挥职能作用,为构建和谐社会做出应有贡献。     

构建和谐社会之法律思想透析

实现社会和谐始终是人类追求的一个社会理想,只是因为社会历史的不同,和谐社会思想所包含的要义以及所追求的目标也随之有所差异。但法之于和谐社会具有重要价值却是绝大多数法哲学家所认同的,即构建和谐社会离不开法律保障之基石。从中西方法律思想以及可持续发展观角度层层递进,对构建和谐社会之合理性、时代性、先导性以及法之于和谐社会的重要价值进行探讨与思索。     

再论加强公安执法人员的法治观念

法制现代化是中国当前重大的社会主题之一,它是一个历史的、发展的过程。公安法治建设必然对国家法制现代化进程产生重大的影响。公安机关的性质、地位和作用决定了公安执法人员必须具有正确的执法思想。而法律至上观念、权利本位观念、分权制衡观念、正当程序观念对公安执法人员正确执法思想的形成有着直接的影响。     

论公安现役部队机关管理效能的发挥

当前公安现役部队机关在管理方面还不同程度地存在着不到位及越位问题,分析问题产生的原因,提出充分发挥机关管理效能应采取的对策,对机关服务和保障基层建设具有重要意义。     

一种非对称鲁棒性盲水印算法

针对数字图像版权保护,提出一种非对称鲁棒性盲数字水印方法。通过将水印嵌入到最少受图像改变影响的子空间,使嵌入水印具有鲁棒性,且通过对特征子空间的选取限制,使算法具有较高的检测概率和安全性以及较低的虚警概率。同时,水印嵌入矩阵与提取矩阵不同,它可公开除密钥外的所有其它的信息,而且能实现水印盲提取。实验结果证明了该算法的鲁棒性。     

Leadership and national security: an interrogation of the Boko Haram violence in Nigeria

This study contends that an analysis of the nexus between leadership and security offers useful insights into explaining conflict by stating that the conceptualisation of these argots, especially through the definition of leadership as a process, helps to explain and address Nigeria’s security challenges. By arguing that leaders’ ability to establish mutuality with their followers in any situation and set collectively-generated means for attaining these set goals for societal security, the study shows how such a relationship creates a secured state. This is not the case in Nigeria, where leaders’ security decisions are influenced by external actors rather than by their followers. By showing that the Nigerian ruling elite’s security agendas intersect with dominant global notions of security while neglecting genuine security interests of ordinary Nigerians, the study contextualises the complex global and local security interests in Nigeria. The lack of an intersection at home, however, has contributed to the emergence of extremists such as the Boko Haram sect, as well as the escalation of the acts of violence they perpetrate. As national insecurities become complex and intractable, ‘elegant’ or unilinear solutions – such as a military approach – lack the capacity to address these problems.     

Too much Western bias? The need for a more culturally adaptable approach to post-conflict security sector reform

The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes.     

Security sector reform in Africa: Donor approaches versus local needs

Many African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually.     

Educate or Adjudicate? Socioeconomic Heterogeneity and Welfare

I present a formal framework to explore the welfare and distributional effects of a government’s optimal choice over two types of public spending in a closed economy: domestic security (DS) and investment in social capital (SC). Production is characterized as a function of social and physical capital stocks that both vary across the regions. DS stands for total factor productivity, while SC stands for human capital and civic cooperativeness combined. SC accumulates via public spending on universal primary education, cultural, and civic events and such, and is exposed to regional spillover effects. Numerical simulations of the static solution of the government’s welfare maximization problem reveal that the optimal rate of spending on SC (m^*) is negatively related with the income share of physical capital, SC spillovers and fiscal decentralization. Simulations also show that SC homogeneity is positively associated with both the level and equitability of aggregate income. The maximum attainable levels of income, welfare and social cohesion and the most equitable incomes are all observed to realize at some intermediate range of m^* values. In case DS augments SC, however, social cohesion improves and welfare declines monotonously in m^*.