Nuclear opportunism: A theory of how states use nuclear weapons in international politics

How do states use nuclear weapons to achieve their goals in international politics? Nuclear weapons can influence state decisions about a range of strategic choices relating to military aggression, the scope of foreign policy objectives, and relations with allies. The article offers a theory to explain why emerging nuclear powers use nuclear weapons to facilitate different foreign policies: becoming more or less aggressive; providing additional support to allies or proxies, seeking independence from allies; or expanding the state’s goals in international politics. I argue that a state’s choices depend on the presence of severe territorial threats or an ongoing war, the presence of allies that provide for the state’s security, and whether the state is increasing in relative power. The conclusion discusses implications of the argument for our understanding of nuclear weapons and the history of proliferation, and nonproliferation policy today.     

Introduction: one-and-a-half cheers for the EU Global Strategy

EU High Representative Federica Mogherini presented her EU Global Strategy (EUGS) in June 2016. Encircled by security crises, it is difficult to think of something more important for Europe than collective action with the aim of weathering the storm. The EUGS, in this respect, seeks to define common ends and identify means. So what do we make of the EUGS? What does the EUGS tell us about the current role of the EU in global affairs? And how will the withdrawal of the UK from the EU affect foreign and security policy? As a way of introduction to the forum, this article notes that the EUGS focuses on the neighbourhood, puts the interests of European citizens first, identifies civilian means, and has created momentum on security policy. The key question, however, remains whether there is any interest in the EUGS beyond the foreign policy elites.     

新疆区内初中班化学教学中的难点及对策研究

九年级化学作为起始学科,在进行教学时存在许多困难,而“内初班”学生的学情与本地学生不同,教学难度更大,存在师生交流不畅、学生的理解偏差、生活习惯差异以及缺乏课外教学素材等问题。因此,需在深入了解学情和以上问题的基础上,逐一攻破知识较为抽象、语言理解困难、生活经验有差异等教学难点,通过建立深厚的师生感情、提高学生学习化学的信心、加强化学用语的练习、强调易错、易混淆知识点等方式,达到切实提高学生化学学习能力的目的。     

伊犁哈萨克族“民考民”和“民考汉”中学生语言文字使用情况调研--以特克斯县初级中学为个案

新疆推行民汉合校后,少数民族学生的语言使用情况一直是双语教育领域关注的问题。本文通过问卷调查和访谈的方式,以特克斯县初级中学为个案,考察了伊犁地区哈萨克族“民考民”及“民考汉”中学生语言使用情况。结果表明,哈萨克族“民考汉”和“民考民”学生在语言文字使用、语言态度以及语言文化认同上有较大差异,但也有一致性：希望在熟练地掌握汉语的同时,也能掌握好自己的本民族语言。最后基于提高新疆少数民族基础教育水平和培养民汉兼通人才的目的提出对策。     

压水堆运行中ΔT超温度/超功率保护分析

从核电站压水堆动力装置在运行中ΔT超温度 /超功率保护功能出发 ,介绍了压水堆ΔT超温度 /超功率保护系统 ,分析了确定极限限制线以及保护区的方法 ,并对此作出了评价 .     

The case for Bush revisionism: Reevaluating the legacy of America’s 43rd president

This article reassesses the foreign policy legacy of George W. Bush in light of the emerging historical record of his administration. We conclude that, whereas Bush’s foreign policy was in widespread disrepute when he left office in 2009, that reputation is likely to improve – perhaps significantly – in the coming years. We identify six particular arguments that lend credence to an emerging ‘Bush revisionism.’ To be clear, we do not necessarily argue that the balance sheet on Bush’s foreign policy was positive, but the arguments presented here are likely to generate a more sympathetic and favorable historical assessment of Bush’s presidency over time.     

Theories of Non-Balancing and Russia’s Foreign Policy

The beginning of the twenty-first century has witnessed the emergence of balancing responses to the US hegemony, among which Russia’s foreign policies stand out as corresponding to what is understood as ‘hard balancing.’ Why is the United States being balanced against? This paper categorizes the existing theories of non-balancing into six conditions that together guarantee the absence of balancing and demonstrates that the current unipolar system can satisfy only one of them. This eases the systemic constraints and makes balancing possible. The paper then presents three cases of balancing with reference to President Putin’s foreign policy. It argues that even though in terms of relative military capabilities unipolarity still holds, the emergence of counter-hegemonic balancing is indicative of important changes in the nature of post-Cold War American domination.     

Militarisation of cooperation against mass migration – the Central European Defence Cooperation (CEDC)

As a result of the migration crisis of 2015–2016, the management of mass migration and border control became militarised in Central Europe, and this process has also reshaped the dynamics of multinational defence cooperation in the region. Accordingly, while the so-called Central European Defence Cooperation (CEDC) was created by Austria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia in 2010 to support NATO and EU capability development projects via defence cooperation, after the migration crisis it became the major Central European forum for military cooperation against irregular mass migration. Although many defence officials in the region are not necessarily enthusiastic about this development, the Central European political environment and also practical defence considerations pushed the defence ministries of CEDC countries towards deeper cooperation on border control, as well as better coordination with ministries of interior affairs on the national and the regional levels.     

The crisis of American military assistance: strategic dithering and Fabergé Egg armies

ABSTRACT

The United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since the end of World War Two. During the Cold War, it proved vital in protecting numerous regimes from communist takeovers. Successful outcomes occurred when American leaders made large initial aid commitments, and the states had the capacity and political willpower to use it effectively. However, Vietnam was an example of how U.S. support lagged, as leaders in Saigon preferred political survival instead of creating regime legitimacy. Following 9/11, American security aid focused on making weak countries develop stronger security forces. Unfortunately, this created Fabergé egg militaries: expensive and easily broken by insurgents. This article suggests long-term strategic commitments need to be made alongside more resources for the American State Department and similar organizations to focus on the politics of state-building. Finally, this article suggests strategies, such as “whole-of-government” approaches, to improve long-term security and political institution building.     

后现代主义思潮对我国大学生的影响及对策

在全球化、网络化的时代境遇里和我国对外开放的现实背景中,以反基础主义、反本质主义、反理性主义、反中心主义为基本理论取向的西方后现代主义思潮,对思想上独立性、开放性和包容性很强的当代我国大学生发生了一系列的影响。它一方面有利于培养大学生的创新精神、有利于激发大学生的主体意识和有利于升华大学生的思维方式,另一方面也容易使大学生在价值观念上陷入虚无主义、在思维方式上滑向相对主义和在行为方式上掉进无政府主义。要有效应对西方后现代主义思潮的影响,应该加强对其的研究,以社会主义核心价值体系武装大学生,同时推进高校德育改革和加强校园文化建设。