全文获取类型
收费全文 | 257篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
国内免费 | 1篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 9篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 33篇 |
2013年 | 42篇 |
2012年 | 23篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 19篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 7篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 12篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有261条查询结果,搜索用时 78 毫秒
241.
管雪莲 《兵团教育学院学报》2012,(5):33-36
全球化时代的大学教育离不开跨文化能力的培养,在目前的大学课程设置中,跨文化能力的培养主要依赖于外语类课程,但外语类课程的关注重点在语言的操作运用上,对文化教育方面缺乏应有的深度和广度。而《美学》课程的内容涉及到很多中西文化深层次的差异,可以从思维方式、精神内涵、文化实践等多个角度培养大学生的跨文化能力。 相似文献
242.
Steven J. Childs 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(4):343-359
With the burgeoning influence of emerging markets in Asia, a tectonic shift is taking place in the global security landscape. Asian states are concomitantly arming as their economic clout grows. In light of these developments, security analysts would benefit from a formal means of placing these arms acquisitions in a structural context. Are arms acquisitions on par with the expectations of Asian states, given their structural dispositions, or are recent acquisitions beyond anticipated levels? By using a dynamic panel regression of 187 states from 1950 to 2011, this research predicts arms import volume using the degree of interstate arms linkages, the size of a state's military, and its level of economic development. The technique offers analysts a formal means of distinguishing orthodox behavior in importing conventional weapons from extraneous security motivations. The article concludes by generating near-term forecasts of Asian arms imports and discussing the implications of the technique. 相似文献
243.
Philip G. Dwyer 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):605-632
This essay re-examines coalition warfare during the Napoleonic era by looking at the three eastern European powers – Austria, Prussia and Russia – how they interacted over time with France as well as each other, and how they managed French preponderance on the Continent. Before 1812, coalition warfare was dominated by eighteenth-century military and diplomatic attitudes: overall foreign political goals were ill-defined and were characterised by deep mistrust. The result was that the eastern powers pursued their own interests with little regard to coalition cohesion. If the coalition held together in 1813 and 1814, on the other hand, it was largely because individual powers' self-interest coincided with the overall objectives of the coalition – an increased determination to defeat Napoleon – along with a never before seen numerical superiority in allied troops. In this, Austria and especially Chancellor Metternich's role in juggling conflicting interests between the allies so that they could present, for the first time, a united front against France was fundamental. 相似文献
244.
Christos Kassimeris 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(2):256-273
The contemporary history of three countries was marked on July 1974 when the Greek colonels overthrew the legitimate government of Cyprus, Turkey invaded the island to preserve her interests and Greece returned to democracy, but withdrew from NATO. The apathy of her allies was a bitter experience for Greece, considering that the government in Athens was struggling to cope with the consequences of the invasion and Turkey's aggression, as well as with the diplomatic isolation caused by the seven-year dictatorial rule. This paper examines the response of the Greek government and makes particular reference to Karamanlis's archives and Greek parliamentary proceedings. The purpose of the present study is to explore whether Greece was genuinely committed to the settlement of the Cyprus issue and failed due to lack of support or simply ignored the appeals of the Cypriot people and pursued more vital foreign policy objectives, thus contributing to the partition of the island. 相似文献
245.
Eszter Simon 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(6):886-911
This article investigates the cognitive limitations on policy change in counterinsurgency (COIN) efforts by examining why American decision-makers failed to revise their government strategy substantially while fighting the insurgency in Afghanistan in 2003–2014 and why their British counterparts were more successful in adjusting their policies in the Malayan insurgency in 1948–1954. Unlike most of the COIN literature that concentrates on military strategy and tactics, the analysis of government policy-making in Malaya holds some important political lessons for American leaders today despite differences between the insurgencies in Afghanistan and British Malaya. As a response to the criticism of COIN studies in general that they lack theoretical guidance, this article utilizes an integrated cognitivist-prospect theory framework. It is argued that some of the COIN literature mistakenly suggests that a more difficult strategic situation was primarily responsible for American failure in Afghanistan. Instead, American decision-makers faced a more difficult task cognitively than their British counterparts, as policy change in Afghanistan would have required greater ideational change. American principals were much more attached to their beliefs emotionally, had no alternative problem representation, and had to shift between frames in order to engineer a response that was more in line with events on the ground in Afghanistan. Regarding prospect theory, findings indicate that gains frames appear to be unhelpful in monitoring progress until catastrophic failure endangers the reference point, and that decision-makers often have more than one reference point to attune their policies to, which often results in suboptimal choices with regard to at least one reference point. 相似文献
246.
郑翠玲 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2013,(11):80-82
外语视听说教学是外语教学的重要组成部分,其目的是为了增强学员的听说能力,扩大知识面,提高文化素养,培养语言综合应用能力.分析外语视听说教学诸环节中存在的问题,提出外语视听说课程教学的改革措施. 相似文献
247.
随着社会的进步和发展,中学生的心理健康教育越来越受到社会各界的广泛关注。而心理健康教育课程作为发展学生心理健康教育的有效途径,已被很多研究者提上议程。本文针对开展中学生心理健康教育课程的必要性分析了目前我国已开展的心理健康教育课程潜在的问题,并提出建构中学生心理健康教育课程的意见。 相似文献
248.
This article argues for the continued relevance of the work and theories of the British Geostrategist Sir Halford J. Mackinder (1861-1947). It asserts that commentators and scholars who seek to marginalise Mackinder have too often dismissed his theories without setting them in the context of their continued endorsement in crucial areas of the globe. After 1945, despite his theories being tainted by association with Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, both Moscow and Washington recognised the utility of Mackinder’s work and tailored policy accordingly. The end of Cold War saw Mackinder fall out of favour as his model was deemed unsuitable for policy analysis by a number of influential thinkers. It is argued here that, in recent years, the arena of international politics has seen a rehabilitation of Mackinder, accompanied by a resurgence of interest in Geopolitics. Finally, the piece examines those areas of the contemporary globe where Mackinder’s influence is greatest. 相似文献
249.
Roger Handberg 《Defense & Security Analysis》2015,31(1):44-57
Ballistic missile defense (BMD) politics present an interesting evolution in how the USA, especially Congress, has come to think about BMD both as operational reality and as a symbolic policy. The argument here is that BMD's operational reality is increasingly overshadowed by its symbolic aspects. Such a status arose from rapidly changing international and domestic politics. The end result is a situation in which BMD policy in a sense floats above the question of its actual combat effectiveness. Its primary mission in part is sustaining US capacity to remain a global power and support its allies. 相似文献
250.
Abdurrahim Sıradağ 《African Security Review》2013,22(3-4):308-325
ABSTRACTTurkey has maintained its strategic relations with Africa at the highest level under recent AK Party governments in the field not only of low politics but also of high politics. For example, it opened its largest overseas military base in Somalia in 2017 and signed military, defense and security pacts with more than 25 African countries. This article traces the deep historical and cultural relations with Africa behind its newly evolving foreign policy identity, arguing that its booming economic power has been a significant driving force in shaping a new security strategy. It examines what the growing security involvement means for both Turkey and Africa in order to contribute to the relevant literature through a holistic approach from both theoretical and conceptual perspectives. 相似文献