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201.
王文凤 《兵团教育学院学报》2020,(3):5-11
教育既是阻断贫困代际传递的治本之策,亦是脱贫可持续发展的内生动力。本研究基于新疆八个地区的实地调研数据,运用转换矩阵分析法和对数线性回归模型呈现了贫困代际传递与教育代际流动的现状,进而分析各级教育阻断贫困代际传递的作用,结果表明,贫困结构由绝对贫困向相对贫困改善;贫困子代受教育程度低,教育向上代际流动性较弱;教育具有阻断贫困代际传递的作用,中学教育阶段最为显著。教育扶贫应精准识别扶贫对象,增强受教育意愿,促进教育代际流动;差异分配教育经费,分学段扶贫;培养与引进并举,加强师资建设。 相似文献
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204.
对陆军合成营指挥模拟训练系统模型和部署结构进行研究和探讨,构建一个分布式合成营指挥训练平台。从系统的总体设计思路、系统功能设计、系统逻辑结构、系统物理结构及模块化设计思路上加以探讨并给出自己的方案。 相似文献
205.
可靠性分配优化问题的难点在于影响分配的各类因素与可靠性指标间关系的描述与表达.从可靠性成本与各类影响因素的内在关系人手,通过改进广义成本函数进行各类影响因素的融合处理,构建得出新的可靠性分配优化模型实现可靠性指标的综合求解. 相似文献
206.
描述了在VC++环境中开发的基于VISA接口标准的射频半实物仿真系统校准自动测试程序.利用VISA函数与接口无关、与操作系统无关、与编程环境无关的特点,通过GPIB总线和SCPI标准命令对矢量网络分析仪进行程序控制,达到空间辐射信号精确测量的目的,实现了目标阵列的宽带特性校准. 相似文献
207.
Australia is a geographically large country, with the world's longest national coastline to defend, but a relatively small economy of some 17.5 million people. Since World War II, Australia has faced the dilemma of how to structure defence policy in the absence of an identifiable threat. Its policy of self‐reliance aims to permit Australia to conduct defensive operations in the event of low/medium level threats without depending immediately on its allies. This is to be achieved through the technological sophistication of defence equipment, a highly professional but small defence force and local industry support. The burden of defence, measured as the share of defence outlay in GDP declined from about 3% in 1971–72 to about 2.3% in 1993–94. It has been the Government's policy to encourage the development of local defence‐related industry, in particular in areas such as: electronics/optics; communications and information technology; aerospace; shipbuilding and repair, munitions; and land vehicles. However, defence procurement has a small impact on the Australian economy as a whole. 相似文献
208.
Hian Teck Hoon 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(2):95-114
We examine the theoretical outcomes of disarmament on economic activity in a two‐sector model of endogenous equilibrium unemployment rate. Three main shocks are analyzed: Exogenous cutbacks in military spending on the capital good and employment, and a reduction in public sector debt. The first shock is contractionary for equilibrium employment if the capital‐goods producing sector is relatively labour‐intensive but expansionary under the alternative factor intensity assumption. The second shock is contractionary for employment under either relative factor intensity assumption. If Ricardian equivalence fails, a reduction in public sector debt is likely to expand long‐term employment (JEL E24). 相似文献
209.
Lisa Otto 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):88-95
The 17th Conference of the Parties (COP17) had been anticipated as the ‘African COP’, not only due to the African venue but also due to the opportunity it would afford African countries – with South Africa at the helm – to steer the debate on a global climate change regime. With the conference now over, lobby groups, international organisations, negotiators, observers and commentators alike have been taking stock of its outcome. Despite the litany of developmental and security implications of climate change, COP17 got underway with little hope that much might actually be achieved. In light of the discouraging condition of the global economy, with leading developed economies suffering financially, states were hardly in a mood to be making concessions that would impact their fiscal health. Nonetheless, an agreement was reached. Questions remain, however, about the significance of the outcome of the African COP for the world at large, but ultimately also for Africa. 相似文献
210.
Matthew V. Tompkins 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):65-77
In 2003, the Albanian government declared that in late 2002 it had discovered a heretofore unknown cache of 16 tons of chemical weapons. Tirana requested and received assistance from the West in securing and destroying the materials, a task completed in 2007. Albania has been lauded for its responsible handling of the discovery and for being the first nation to complete the destruction of its chemical weapons under the terms of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). This article argues that the Albanian government has always knowingly possessed the weapons, keeping them a secret until a post-September 11, 2001 international focus on weapons of mass destruction made it politically worthwhile for Tirana to declare and destroy them. The likelihood that the governments of the West turned a willful blind eye to this chain of events is troubling for the credibility of the CWC and confidence in nonproliferation measures in general. Finally, the author recommends measures to avoid and address similar situations in the future. 相似文献