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381.
In the aftermath of the tragic events of 11 September 2001, numerous changes have been made to aviation security policy and operations throughout the nation's airports. The allocation and utilization of checked baggage screening devices is a critical component in aviation security systems. This paper formulates problems that model multiple sets of flights originating from multiple stations (e.g., airports, terminals), where the objective is to optimize a baggage screening performance measure subject to a finite amount of resources. These measures include uncovered flight segments (UFS) and uncovered passenger segments (UPS). Three types of multiple station security problems are identified and their computational complexity is established. The problems are illustrated on two examples that use data extracted from the Official Airline Guide. The examples indicate that the problems can provide widely varying solutions based on the type of performance measure used and the restrictions imposed by the security device allocations. Moreover, the examples suggest that the allocations based on the UFS measure also provide reasonable solutions with respect to the UPS measure; however, the reverse may not be the case. This suggests that the UFS measure may provide more robust screening device allocations. © 2004 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2005. 相似文献
382.
本文通过对小数分频频率合成器的探讨和研究,对小数分频中的难点——相位补偿问题提出了点补偿和全补偿的概念并给出了实现电路,在一个波段上实现了五位小数分频。所研制的小数分频频率合成器可用于通信和电子仪器等有关设备中。 相似文献
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传统通信系统安全风险评估方法获取的判断矩阵是个体专家的意见,无法处理不确定问题,得到的评估结果较为主观、准确度差,为了解决该问题,提出了基于证据理论的通信系统安全风险评价模型。采用证据理论融合规则调整通信设备和光缆一级指标的判断矩阵,综合多位专家的意见,获取设备和光缆各指标的状态评分和指标权重,构建通信系统风险评估模型,最后通过仿真实验测试其性能,结果表明,该模型可以准确评估通信系统的风险等级。 相似文献
385.
Håkon Lunde Saxi 《Defence Studies》2017,17(2):171-197
At NATO’s 2014 Wales Summit, the UK and Germany unveiled two new initiatives for European defence cooperation, known, respectively, as the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) and the Framework Nations Concept (FNC). Both were the result of economic pressures and the need to exercise intra-alliance leadership, but they represented very different approaches to cooperation. The JEF was to be a UK-led contingency force for short-notice operations, selectively incorporating forces from allies and partners. The FNC sought to coordinate capability development between groups of allies, centred on larger framework nations, to develop coherent capability-clusters available to meet NATO’s force requirements. The common denominator and novelty of the initiatives was the building of forces and capabilities multinationally by having major states act as framework nations for groups of smaller allies. The UK and Germany have ownership and continue to provide leadership to these initiatives. This is one key reason why they continue to evolve to accommodate changing circumstances and are likely to endure. 相似文献
386.
Katja Lindskov Jacobsen 《African Security Review》2017,26(3):237-256
It is widely acknowledged that maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea is a highly complex phenomenon involving a variety of issues (legal deficiencies, inadequate military equipment, and challenges like corruption, political unrest and youth unemployment) as well as a multiplicity of external responders. To make sense of the impact that external actors have when they address this complex problem through various maritime capacity building endeavours, this article argues that there is a need to understand the attractiveness of capacity building vis-à-vis the widely acknowledged need for a comprehensive approach, as well as the difficulties of translating the potential for comprehensiveness into practice (as important aspects of the problem remain largely unaddressed). Further, it is argued that it is important to appreciate that even if these gaps – i.e. the aspects that maritime capacity building currently leaves unaddressed – represent a ‘failure’ to deliver a comprehensive response, they are at the same time illustrative of how the maritime capacity building activities of various external actors also ‘succeed’ in having an impact on this regional security landscape – for instance, by influencing how certain aspects of this multifaceted problem are prioritised, whilst others are only marginally addressed, if at all. 相似文献
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为适应信息扩散中病毒传播的复杂性和不确定性,在传统病毒传播模型和信息扩散模型基础上,引入潜伏状态和隔离状态,研究潜伏-隔离机制下的信息扩散模型及其稳定性。构建基于潜伏-隔离机制的信息扩散模型;运用劳斯稳定性判据,论证系统平衡点的局部稳定性,分析基本再生数R0及其对网络感染源和系统状态的影响;通过仿真实验,分析节点连通半径、节点分布密度和节点接触率对信息扩散的影响。仿真结果表明:通过调整节点连通半径、节点分布密度和节点接触率等参数,可实现对信息扩散的有效控制。 相似文献
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Ana E. Juncos 《Contemporary Security Policy》2018,39(1):95-118
ABSTRACTAttempts to explain the failure to reform the security sectors in post-conflict countries have often resorted to two sets of explanatory factors: international and local factors. This article seeks to move from that unhelpful dichotomy to an explanation linking both factors. Drawing on a Foucauldian approach and the concept of “counter-conduct,” it examines the rationality and practices of European Union (EU) governmentality and how governing technologies are resisted and reversed by local elites involved in security sector reform (SSR). Instead of understanding power and resistance as binary opposites, this article argues that counter-conduct can be conceived as implicated in the very relations of power that it seeks to resist. To tease out these relations, the article analyzes the EU's efforts in SSR in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where it identifies four forms of counter-conduct: upholding European standards, using the local ownership trap, simulating reforms, and lowering the bar. 相似文献