The convergence and divergence of three pillars of influence in gender and security

This article explores the convergence between three pillars of influence – feminist security studies, civil society activism and policy decision-making – and its role in the adoption and implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325. It argues that these three pillars, individually and collectively, have made important contributions to the debate and action on the gender and security agenda, but that they remain organically disconnected. Their convergence has the potential to achieve path-breaking results in the sphere of gender and security, whilst their divergence makes transformation unattainable. We show the disconnect in the application of UNSCR 1325 in Africa and argue that this is partly the reason why, despite enormous efforts, the gains realised in terms of gender equality in the peace and security arena have been negligible.     

Madagascar

Despite a constitution that condemns discrimination, as well as positive efforts by all stakeholders, Madagascar is still far from meeting the desired objectives of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Gender and Development, or any other relevant international instruments and conventions. The establishment of an Organising Technical Committee on security sector reform for Madagascar is a positive development, which will hopefully facilitate an understanding of the multiple facets of gender and security in Madagascar as well as advancing the implementation of the instruments calling for greater female participation in the security sector.     

Underselling Islamist extremism in Sub-Saharan Africa

Islamist extremism as an ideology has seemingly spread in influence in the past few years. The violent Islamist threat may have a singular religious dogma, but that does not mean that it will interact in the same fashion within the various cultures it infests. The Sub-Saharan region is one general context where Islamist extremism is both vividly active and misunderstood. Africa's reaction to: Arabization; the adjustment to post-colonial rule; the perception of secular government institutions; the extent of cultural and religious pluralism; and the local character of Muslim leadership and institutions are all very different from that of the Middle East. Scores of terrorism analysts and even Arab populations only too familiar with the Middle East context superimpose Middle East threats over the Sub-Saharan African cultural landscape. Instead of generalizing the Islamist threats, it might be better to ask why it is that violent Islamist groups have traditionally been challenged to expand their influence in Muslim Sub-Saharan Africa. The underestimated Islamist is using ignorance to its advantage, recruiting through channels unnoticed by its Arab counterparts while creatively catering its message by region.     

UNCLOS and maritime security: the “securitisation” of the South China Sea disputes

This Critical Comment seeks to situate the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) within the context of South China Sea (SCS) dispute. Bearing in mind that maritime actions of the main disputants – China, Vietnam, and the Philippines – increasingly “securitise” these long-standing disputes and vice versa, the study examines the concept of a maritime “regime complex.” Whereas efforts have being made to examine UNCLOS and indeed the dispute within the framework of a maritime “regime complex,” the key finding shows that the increased “securitisation” of the disputes makes it difficult to envisage effective engagement of UNCLOS as a resolution mechanism. It will also reveal that China's firmly established expansionist agenda in the SCS region is indicative of Beijing's susceptibility to compromise a diplomatic solution to these long-standing disputes. These discoveries are structured around the knowledge that the spatial relation of the SCS critically espouses not only its geo-strategic significance in terms of natural resources endowment, but also the enduring maritime disputes within the region.     

The symbolic politics of ballistic missile defense: seeking the perfect defense in an imperfect world

Ballistic missile defense (BMD) politics present an interesting evolution in how the USA, especially Congress, has come to think about BMD both as operational reality and as a symbolic policy. The argument here is that BMD's operational reality is increasingly overshadowed by its symbolic aspects. Such a status arose from rapidly changing international and domestic politics. The end result is a situation in which BMD policy in a sense floats above the question of its actual combat effectiveness. Its primary mission in part is sustaining US capacity to remain a global power and support its allies.     

低空复杂场景红外弱小目标快速精准检测

针对低空复杂场景下红外弱小动目标检测难度大、虚警率高等问题,面向探测系统中高帧频图像实时处理应用需求,提出基于全卷积网络的弱小目标精准检测方法和基于现场可编程逻辑门阵列(field programmable gate array, FPGA)的低时延并行处理方法。采用轻量化全卷积网络对红外图像中弱小目标进行空域检测,对相邻图像帧疑似目标进行时域轨迹关联以进一步降低虚警率。实验结果表明:上述方法相比于五种传统方法在检测率和虚警率性能方面均有显著提升,并在单片FPGA上完成100 Hz图像实时处理,处理时延低于1.8 ms,实现低空复杂场景弱小目标高精度高鲁棒快速实时检测。     

网络安全脆弱性分析与处置系统的研究与实现

在分析国内外研究现状的基础上,针对现有的漏洞库系统在漏洞信息的组织、使用等方面存在的不足,采用分布计算技术、数据库技术、Web技术实现了网络安全脆弱性分析与处置系统。该系统实现了基于Web的漏洞库(含补丁库)的访问与维护工具,便于获取相应漏洞的解决方案和下载相应的补丁程序,降低了系统维护的开销,提高了系统的可维护性;补丁推送程序实现了对系统补丁程序的远程推送、漏洞修补和补漏检测,提高了系统的自动化程度,为网络安全脆弱性处置提供了有力工具。     

对公安边防工作执法为民的思考

本文对当前公安边防部队执勤执法中存在的问题及原因进行了剖析,提出要全面理解执法为民在公安边防工作中的具体内涵和要求,牢固树立“四个意识”,以求真务实的态度和勇于开拓的精神狠抓队伍建设,围绕“三个有利于”,找准公安边防工作的着力点,加强勤务规范化建设和执勤执法监督以及落实从优待警措施,不断改进公安边防工作,使执法为民的宗旨真正落到实处。     

无人机配载弹射式导弹静稳定性分析

通过刚体飞行六自由度动力学方程建立弹射式导弹初始段无控飞行模型,并结合弹射装置动力模型和导弹发动机推力模型进行仿真计算。基于无控飞行模型和仿真结果分析了无人机配载弹射式导弹发射特性,在导弹初始飞行段对机弹分离安全性和导弹姿态控制要求进行了研究。对导弹不同静稳定度下的运动特性对比分析,分别给出了满足各种安全和控制要求的导弹静稳定度范围。进一步综合所有安全和姿态控制要求,得到了满足所有要求的最佳静稳定度。经过一个实例的仿真研究,结果表明建立的模型与所用到的方法是合理有效的。     

The elephant in the room: US ballistic missile defence under Barack Obama

Conventional wisdom seems to hold that under Barack Obama, the US ballistic missile defence programme has been pushed aside to allow for a refreshed domestic and international agenda. Proponents point to Obama's campaign thinking and rhetoric, the ballistic missile defence (BMD) budget cuts, the decision to end the Third Site in Europe, and the reset relations with Russia through the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) as evidence that the programme has undergone a significant period of change, retraction and rationalisation. This article argues instead that BMD has not fallen from prominence and that there is a change in focus rather than retraction of its strategic goal. Consequently, BMD continues to grow in importance as a component of US national security strategy.