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191.
Philippe Droz-Vincent 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(3):434-455
AbstractLibya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands. 相似文献
192.
Major William Selber 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(2):344-366
Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs. 相似文献
193.
Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
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系统地论述了当前世界范围内各式远距离反坦克导弹的研究、发展、应用、升级改造思路和更新换代情况,以及一些知名公司的研制和发展特色;指出远射程、高精度、大威力,以及良好的适配能力和多用途化将成为其发展的重点。 相似文献
196.
基于位置信息的无线传感器网络如果完全采用无状态的方式路由,在某些拓扑结构中存在数据不可到达的缺陷,即死亡点的问题.针对这一问题,将无线传感器网络抽象为一数学模型,在此模型的基础上,给出了问题的数学描述.经分析,提出了一种基于逃离算法的详细解决方案.对算法的性能从理论上分析得出算法没有环路,是正确可行的,而仿真结果也验证了这一点,算法的时间复杂度为O(n). 相似文献
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首先对BP网络的结构和算法进行了分析,针对BP网络收敛速度慢,容易陷入局部极小等问题,提出了一种改进的BP网络模型,并对该模型算法进行了改进,通过激活函数的选择,网络的初始化,学习率的调整和训练样本数据的处理等方法,可实现加快网络的收敛速度,并且较好的解决局部最优问题. 相似文献
199.
基于ADC的炮兵激光观测仪侦察效能分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
运用了效能分析方法,针对复杂战场环境下炮兵侦察系统的效能进行分析,特别是炮兵激光观测仪,揭示其内在规律,为提高现有侦察装备的作战效能找到重要途径,也为指挥员的决策提供可靠的战略支持.在侦察系统效能分析理论的基础上,对典型的激光观测仪侦察装备进行了计算评估验证,其方法和成果可供其他武器系统效能评估时借鉴参考. 相似文献
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