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981.
为降低LDPC码错误平层,提出一种基于环分类搜索的数列分割移位LDPC码构造算法。该算法具有码长、码率和列重的任意可设性,同时该类码的Tanner图围长至少为8。循环移位因子可以通过简单的代数表达式描述,从而降低内存需求。仿真结果表明,当误码率达到10-5时,数列分割移位LDPC(496,248)码相对于PEG-LDPC码获得了约1.9dB的性能提升;且随着信噪比的升高,两条译码性能曲线之间的差距将更为增大。此外,列重为3的数列分割移位LDPC码(6144,5376)在信噪比4.6dB以后并未出现明显的错误平层。该构造算法与PS-LDPC码相比在误码率达到10-8时大约获得0.25dB增益,特别在错误平层区域其译码性能优于围长为4和6的PEG构造算法,其构造复杂度和耗时也相较于PS-LDPC码和PEG-LDPC码构造算法展现出一定优势。通过基于Tanner图的诱捕集分析方法,统计(496,248)APPS-LDPC码中由8环组成的部分小型诱捕集并不存在,从而证明了其错误平层降低的原因。 相似文献
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舰艇保障是一种主要依赖后勤技术装备的专业化后勤,也是涉及并行、冲突,并受资源、装配时间等限制的复杂离散事件过程。借助定时Petri网强大的描述能力标记过程中的各种动态行为,在此基础上对包括后勤装备在内的后勤实体、保障任务、保障活动等进行建模,采用编码、转换等手段实现舰艇保障过程仿真,并使用仿真结果对后勤保障能力进行"定量计算"为主的分析评估。 相似文献
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Dunne, Smith, and Willenbockel (2005) argue that the mainstream growth literature has not found military spending to be a significant determinant of economic growth, yet much of the defense economics literature has noted significant effects. This paper revisits this issue by using a DSGE-VAR approach, combining both theoretical and empirical methods. We present that the DSGE approach (estimated with the Bayesian technique) and the Bayesian VAR with the Minnesota Prior both lead to worse in-sample fit than our proposed DSGE-VAR framework. The DSGE-VAR approach reveals that a positive military spending shock boosts the U.S. economy, increasing per capita real GDP growth, consumption, inflation and interest rate. Our results are robust to alternative model specifications. Future investigations such as exploring an optimal military spending policy could adopt the approach in this paper to determine the best model – empirical, theoretical, or a combination of the two. 相似文献
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Daniel J. Milton 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(3):345-370
The goal of diplomats is to represent their countries’ interests through diplomacy, not arms. Because they are not military personnel, they may be perceived as at lower risk of being the target of terrorists. However, recent events have called this perception into question. Despite this danger, there has been little research on terrorist attacks against diplomats. Drawing on the terrorism studies literature, this article argues that diplomats are targeted more than non-diplomatic targets in countries where certain U.S. foreign policies are implemented. An empirical analysis of 471 attacks against U.S. diplomats from 1970 to 2011 reveals that while U.S. alliances and foreign aid increase the likelihood of attacks against diplomats, U.S. military intervention and civil war, on the other hand, increase the risk of terrorism against non-diplomatic targets. This finding is relevant because it shows terrorist attacks against diplomats result from certain types of foreign policy. 相似文献
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Jeffrey Michaels 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(1):54-77
During the 2016 American presidential campaign, Democrats and Republicans alike repeatedly raised concerns at the prospect of Donald Trump being in charge of America’s nuclear arsenal based on his seemingly unstable personality. Unfortunately, this emphasis on Trump’s character distracted attention from any in-depth investigation into his long-standing interest in nuclear issues. This article seeks to remedy this shortcoming by highlighting the nuclear legacy Trump will inherit from Obama, surveying his statements on nuclear issues over more than three decades, and providing an analysis of constraining factors on his administration’s nuclear agenda, particularly domestic institutions. It finds that most of Trump’s views on nuclear issues are relatively consistent with past Republican presidents. Where he is unique, however, is in his use of social media, which has potential implications on nuclear signaling. 相似文献
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用灰色理论GM(1,1)模型预测主动力装置在不同破坏半径下的生命力 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
用传统的方法预测主动力装置在不同破坏半径下的生命力 ,存在所需数据量大、不易预测、准确性不高等缺点 .运用灰色理论GM(1,1)模型预测了舰船主动力装置受到武器攻击时在各种破坏半径下的生命力 ,方法简单易行 ,结果准确可靠 ,为决策者进行科学的决策提供了相关的理论依据 相似文献