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121.
针对高超声速空地导弹多约束高精度末制导的基本需求,在三维解耦的俯仰平面和转弯平面上分别设计制导律。在综合考虑脱靶量、落角、入射角等多种约束条件后,运用最优控制构造的最优制导律设计了一种三维最优变结构制导律,接着利用梯度自适应下降法和T-S模型改进了速度约束控制。最后通过典型弹道的结果显示该制导律能够满足多约束高精度制导的需要,具有良好的弹道性能。  相似文献   
122.
首次提出了离散变结构控制的变速趋近律.文中指出,在变速趋近律的制约下,会出现扇形的切换区.给出了扇形切换区准滑动模态的数学模型.  相似文献   
123.
本文导出了一种较为普遍的传热规律 q∝△(T~n)时内可逆卡诺热泵的最佳供热系数、利润率关系,并藉此讨论了几种传热规律时内可逆卡诺热泵的有限时间(火用)经济最优性能,得到了一些新的普适结果。  相似文献   
124.
对固定形式的变结构控制对应的趋近律进行了研究,分别推导出用全部状态构成的控制、用部分状态构成的控制以及形式为u=ueq+ud的控制所对应的趋近律.  相似文献   
125.
亚超结合反舰导弹控制规律的选择与分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
针对现代海战的特点,分析了现代海战对反舰导弹的性能需求,提出了亚超结合反舰导弹是未来反舰导弹的发展方向。进一步分析了亚超结合反舰导弹对控制系统的要求,并对未来亚超结合反舰导弹控制系统控制规律的选取作了研究分析,最后提出了亚超结合反舰导弹设计的主要关键技术和应注意的几个问题。  相似文献   
126.
Interpreting the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, by Daniel H. Joyner. Oxford University Press, 2011. 192 pages, $100.  相似文献   
127.
International law clearly requires an imminent threat of attack as a justification for the preemptive use of military force. However, the standard definition of an imminent threat was derived centuries before the development of nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons or ballistic missiles and other delivery systems that can reach their targets in a matter of minutes. Any use of force to alleviate threats posed by weapons of mass destruction (WMD) prior to tactical warning of the actual launch of such weapons falls into the legally and ethically controversial category of “anticipatory self-defense,” leaving decision makers potentially liable to prosecution for war crimes. Effective and ethical enforcement of nonproliferation therefore demands a standard for imminence of threat broad enough to allow military action as a last resort but sufficiently restrictive to prohibit indiscriminate action against suspected WMD programs. Following a critical review of selected literature and cases on preemption, the author proposes a new standard for preemptive military action: the existence of operational WMD, or a clandestine program to develop WMD, in contravention of international law. The author discusses the implications of this new proposed standard, which at the time of writing would permit preemptive attack against WMD-armed terrorist groups but prohibit it against all states except Iran and possibly North Korea.  相似文献   
128.
Abstract

A tremendous amount of important work has been done recently on operationalising the protection of civilians as a military task. The bulk of the discussion has focused on how militaries should respond to direct attacks on civilians. This is an important issue, but thinking about civilian protection should also include a serious examination of the ways in which the approach of military organisations to the problem of ‘spoiler’ groups can affect the level and dynamics of attacks on civilians – importantly, where armed groups are interested in violent control of civilian populations, attempts to ‘dislodge’ them from areas of control may substantially increase the level of violence against civilians (beyond the dangers to be expected from being near areas where active fighting is taking place). In 2009, the United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) supported the Congolese military in operations to dismantle the Hutu-dominated FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) militia group, at massive human cost. Critics have primarily focused on MONUC's failure to protect civilians from direct attack, consonant with the general discourse on tactics for civilian protection. These criticisms are valid, but in this paper I argue that two crucial additional considerations should be kept in mind: the way that military operations can affect violence against civilians, and the way that moralising the approach to armed groups, even those which have committed serious abuses, can limit military and political options – potentially in ways that increase civilian risk in the name of protecting them.  相似文献   
129.
This essay explores the obligations arising from the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime, signed in Palermo, Italy at the end of 2000. It also discusses the initiatives required to prepare the legal system and related infrastructure of Zimbabwe for its implementation. Zimbabwe joined more than 120 other countries in signing the Palermo convention, but has not yet ratified it. The ratification would enshrine the latest initiatives to develop effective strategies against transnational organised crime. The Palermo convention makes demands on the laws and institutions of states parties which could enhance their capacity to confront organised crime. Ratification signifies competence to implement the prescribed obligations, which can only occur after introducing suitable domestic laws, and adopting the necessary administrative mechanisms. The required reforms are bound to have certain policy and legislative implications for Zimbabwe. Regional initiatives complementary to the Palermo convention are expected to catalyse positive changes in Zimbabwe's response mechanisms.  相似文献   
130.
Bribery undermines human development and a transition to stable democratic rule. It props up illegitimate regimes as corporations bid for contracts by bribing, in a seeming race to the bottom. The world's wealthy are slowly waking up to this and criminalising this scandalous practice of bribing foreign public officials. However, such measures, if enforced, need to be combined with domestic anti-corruption strategies in the South. If this opportunity is missed, the risk of investing private capital in marginalised economies perceived to be highly corrupt is further upped, making investment-driven economic growth possibly even less unattainable.  相似文献   
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