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军备控制的目的是维护国家的安全和减少国家安全威胁.随着现代科学技术的发展和世界经济一体化进程的加快,国家安全威胁的因素与国家军事能力同步增长.尤其是现代信息技术的快速渗透和发展,不仅带来了安全隐患的增加,也加速了武器装备的更新换代,对国际军备控制产生了广泛的影响. 相似文献
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本文针对乘波体外形的高超声速飞行器存在的结构/推进/气动强耦合特性,利用鲁棒极点配置方法设计了自适应控制器,实现了对高超声速飞行器的速度和高度指令跟踪控制。控制器采用了Proportional-Integral-Filter(PIF)结构,该结构的控制器不仅能够使系统具备良好的稳态特性而且能够对控制信号进行滤波平滑,从而能够有效地抑制高超声速飞行器的弹性振动对控制系统的影响。基于弹性高超声速飞行器模型CSUAL_GHV,分别采用自适应鲁棒极点配置控制方法和自适应非鲁棒极点配置控制方法进行了数值仿真。结果表明,与非鲁棒极点配置控制方法相比,采用自适应鲁棒极点配置控制方法的控制系统不仅使飞行器能够很快地跟踪上速度和高度指令,跟踪误差小于1%,而且高超声速飞行器的弹性振动也得到了有效地抑制。飞行器在整个飞行过程中的飞行攻角均处于±2°范围内,满足超燃冲压发动机的工作要求。 相似文献
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Timothy J. Junio 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(1):125-133
Many well-established explanations for war suggest that cyber weapons have a greater chance of being used offensively than other kinds of military technologies. This response article introduces a research agenda for the study of cyber war, and offers an example – principal-agent problems in cyber operations – to demonstrate how rigorous theoretical and empirical work may proceed. 相似文献
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Raphael S. Cohen 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):609-636
Despite all the talk of ‘hearts and minds’ being the key to counterinsurgency, local public opinion is rarely studied and when it is, it often yields surprising conclusions. Through analyzing polling data from Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, this article shows that public opinion is less malleable, more of an effect rather than a cause of tactical success, and a poor predictor of strategic victory. As a result, modern counterinsurgency doctrine’s focus on winning popular support may need to be rethought. 相似文献
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This article proposes two dual‐ascent algorithms and uses each in combination with a primal drop heuristic embedded within a branch and bound framework to solve the uncapacitated production assembly distribution system (i.e., supply chain) design problem, which is formulated as a mixed integer program. Computational results indicate that one approach, which combines primal drop and dual‐ascent heuristics, can solve instances within reasonable time and prescribes solutions with gaps between the primal and dual solution values that are less than 0.15%, an efficacy suiting it for actual large‐scale applications. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2013 相似文献
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Marc R. DeVore 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):144-173
Following the emergence of a communist regime in South Yemen and the multiplication of subversive movements in the United Kingdom's Gulf protectorates, British policymakers genuinely feared the spread of communism throughout southern Arabia. Defeating the People's Front for the Liberation for the Occupied Arabian Gulf (PFLOAG) insurgency in Oman's Dhofar province was considered central to preventing such an outcome. In their pursuit of victory, British officers overthrew the sultan of Oman, escalated the war by conducting attacks in South Yemen, and, ultimately, appealed to Islam as a means of rallying support against communism. However, lessons learned in previous counterinsurgencies (Malaya, Kenya, and Borneo) proved of only limited value in Oman's physical and cultural environment. Unfortunately, none of these measures worked as anticipated. Only Iran's direct military intervention and the dramatic growth of Oman's financial resources after the 1973 oil crisis provided the resources to conduct large-scale offensive operations. Even so, victory was only achieved in 1975 because the rebellion's leaders unwisely attempted to oppose the Anglo–Omani offensives conventionally. 相似文献