A Rejoinder to Peter M. Sales

This analytical article asks the question: to what degree did the media contribute to the Rwandan genocide and what might have been done about it? In examining the historical development of mass media in Rwanda, this paper argues that while hate media clearly contributed to the dynamics that led to genocide, its role should not be overstated. While it is commonly believed that hate media was a major cause of the genocide, instead it was a part of a larger social process. The use of violent discourse was at least as important as, for example, the availability of weapons in carrying out the genocide. Put another way, violent discourse was necessary but not sufficient by itself to cause the genocide of 1994. In arguing this thesis, Rwandan history is examined to demonstrate the processes of communication in the formation of destructive attitudes and behaviour. Next, analysis of the methods and content of propaganda campaigns is discussed. Finally, an overview of the requirements and organizations for third parties to conduct international communication interventions is presented in the last section.     

黄页服务的合同网在编队武器目标分配中的应用

海上舰艇编队协同作战面临的环境日益复杂,其武器目标分配呈现出了多智能体系统的涌现性、协同性和动态性.将编队武器目标分配问题转化成多智能体系统来研究,根据黄页概念建立了编队武器智能体的黄页服务,运用基于黄页服务的合同网协议实现了编队范围内的武器目标分布式分配.     

North Korea,deterrence, and engagement

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) justifies its nuclear weapon arsenal with the concept of deterrence. It means that it will try to miniaturize and modernize its warheads and missiles. This leads to a first-use doctrine of nuclear weapons. Obama's policy of engagement does not offer a solution to the North Korean nuclear issue as yet. In the context of its policy of critical engagement with the DPRK, the European Union has three key interests: regional peace and stability, denuclearization, and human rights. The Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) could be a precedent. The CSCE process was based on three “baskets”: security, economics, and humanitarian. The multilateral Trans-Pacific Partnership is a step in this regard. This article looks at three theoretical approaches: realism, liberal institutionalism, and liberal internationalism. It concludes that a political strategy to create a stable North Korean peninsula has to go beyond nuclear deterrence that is based on the realist notion of balance of power.     

论我军国际形象传播的阻隔与认同

推进国际传播能力建设,创新对外宣传方式,加强话语体系建设,着力打造融通中外的新概念新范畴新表述,讲好中国故事,建构和传播中国军队形象的过程中,对外传播先进文化、先进的军事文化,传播好中国声音,以增强在国际上的话语权。文章研究建构和传播中国军队形象的过程中,如何提升中国军队的国际形象,加强对外传播的有效性,用世界听得懂的语言、使用新媒体传播国家军队的先进文化。     

区域防空网络化作战系统中战术数据链应用

在网络化作战模式下,只有依靠不断发展的数据链技术,才能实现信息源、武器平台和指控中心三者之间的链接.主要探讨了战术数据链的特点、发展情况及其在区域防空网络化作战系统中的体系结构、信息流程等问题,重点突出了战术数据链中与现代化作战模式相适应的环节,分析了区域防空网络化作战系统中专用战术数据链所涉及的一些关键技术.将为构建适合区域防空网络化作战的战术数据链提供一定的参考依据.     

从《中导条约》的失效看未来国际军控走向

《美苏消除两国中程导弹和中短程导弹条约》的失效重创了本就脆弱的国际军控体系,对美俄战略稳定和全球军事安全带来消极影响,国际军控合作和全球军事安全迫切需要重构新的军控体系。本文立足当前国际军控现状,在分析美俄“退约”背后各方战略考量及国际军控面临的挑战,如“美国优先”理念下的霸权主义和单边主义、国际军控体系自身的脆弱性和局限性和新军事革命给全球安全增添新的变量的基础上,提出了“构建人类命运共同体”理念凝聚全球安全共识、以大国责任和义务为基础构建多层次军控体系和以多边军控体系循序推进国际军控进程等措施和建议,以期为推动国际军控合作,建立更为公平、合理、有效的国际军控体系做出贡献。     

顾及地磁影响的GNSS电离层层析不等像素间距算法

突破传统全球导航卫星系统(Global Navigation Satellite System, GNSS)层析反演研究忽略地球磁场对电离层变化活动的影响,同时顾及不同电离层高度电子密度变化较大的影响,提出在地磁坐标系下建立电离层高度方向上不等像素间距的GNSS层析反演方法。在此基础上,通过建立新的电离层层析迭代松弛因子,提高GNSS电离层电子密度层析反演结果精度。利用IRI—2007电离层模型、GNSS实测数据与电离层测高仪数据,从模拟验证和实测数据对比两方面,反演统计了不同层析算法估算的峰值电离层电子密度误差、电子密度剖面结果平均绝对百分比误差及均方根误差,验证了顾及地磁影响的GNSS电离层层析不等像素间距算法的有效性。     

The politics of international chemical weapon justice: The case of Syria, 2011–2017

There has been near-universal condemnation of the use of chemical weapons in the Syrian conflict. The international community has nevertheless struggled to make progress on holding the perpetrators to account. This article reviews developments at the international level in terms of Syrian chemical weapon justice between 2011 and 2017. It argues that there have been substantive disagreements between states on the rationale and means of justice in the Syrian case. It also argues that international initiatives have been tightly intertwined with developments in chemical disarmament and conflict resolution processes as well as the broader war. The article describes progress and challenges to chemical weapon justice in a number of distinct formal international mechanisms during the period studied. The analysis concludes by contextualizing international responses—including the U.S. tomahawk strikes against a Syrian airbase—to the Khan Shaykhun chemical attacks of April 2017.     

Collective security and strategic instability in the digital domain

Cyberspace experiences worrying trends that could have a negative impact on the international strategic landscape. The lack or erosion of norms and risky practices and behaviors could lead to greater uncertainty and thus greater instability. Set against a context of renewed competition between great powers, these developments are also tied to the strategic structure of cyberspace. This forum is devoted to discussing factors leading to stability or and instability.     

Strategic hedging in Indonesia’s defense diplomacy

With the rapid pace of regional arms modernization and unresolved territorial disputes, Indonesia is increasingly susceptible to the impact of emerging great power rivalry in Asia-Pacific. Rather than pursuing a robust military build-up, Indonesian policy-makers assert that diplomacy is the country’s first line of defense. This article argues that defense diplomacy serves two agenda of Indonesia’s hedging strategy – strategic engagement and military modernization. This way, Indonesian defense and security officials seek to moderate the impact of geopolitical changes while maintaining the country’s defensive ability against regional uncertainties.