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41.
孙超 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,30(11):39-42
公安机关消防机构只有全面加强消防执法规范化建设,全面开展廉政教育活动,努力提高人民群众对消防执法工作的认可度和满意度,才能进一步提升消防执法的公信力。分析公安机关消防机构执法公信力现状,提出全面提升公安机关消防机构执法公信力的对策。 相似文献
42.
近年来新疆高校法学教育改革和发展取得了显著成绩,为新疆社会发展特别是民族地区法治建设,提供了强有力的法律人才保障。与此同时,新疆高校法学教育与发达地区高校有着一定的差距。新疆高校法学教育的人才培养工作还存在一些亟待解决的问题。由于新疆社会发展阶段、边疆民族地区等方面的特点,决定了法学教育具有一定的特殊性,需要从强化基础、突出特色、注重实践等方面加强建设。 相似文献
43.
赵世武 《兵团教育学院学报》2004,14(2):34-36
和谐律、守恒律、方向律是自然辩证法中自然观的三大规律,它们贯穿、融合并体现于各具体学科的研究领域中。本文主要以自然辨证规律在控制与系统科学中的体现为依托,系统阐述物理学中控制系统理论与信息理论及其应用中自然观三大规律的具体表现。 相似文献
44.
军事刑法是普通刑法的特别法,因而,刑法的一般原则对军事刑法具有当然的指导意义,但是这些原则在军事刑法中会有特殊的体现。军事刑法保护的是国防利益、国家军事利益。但是,为了保护国防利益、国家军事利益而不当的牺牲个人权利是罪刑法定原则不允许的。法律面前人人平等原则要求,对任何人犯罪,在适用法律上一律平等。但是,由于军人具有特殊的身分,刑法对军人和非军人加以区别对待。罪刑相适应原则要求,刑罚的轻重,应当与犯罪分子所犯罪行和承担的刑事责任相适应。战时缓刑是刑罚个别化原则在军事刑法中的体现。 相似文献
45.
作为公安消防机构的一种相对自由的判断权和选择权,消防行政自由裁量权必须受到有效控制,并在法律规定的范围内合法、合理行使,以确保公安消防机构能够更好的承担起维护社会稳定、保卫人民生命财产安全的神圣职责。根据消防行政自由裁量权的类型及特征,分析了滥用消防行政自由裁量权的表现形式及危害,并结合当前消防工作的形势与要求,阐述了完善我国消防行政自由裁量权的控制策略。 相似文献
46.
Matthew Hughes 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(3-4):528-550
This article details two largely unreported atrocities by British forces operating against Arab rebels during the Arab revolt, 1936–9, at the Palestinian villages of al-Bassa and Halhul. It then examines the military-legal system that underpinned and authorised British military forces operating in aid of the civil power, suggesting that the law in place at the time allowed for a level of reprisals and punitive actions, such as happened at al-Bassa and Halhul. The article does not conclude that the law allowed for atrocities but it does argue that it gave a basic form and understanding to an operational method that was brutal and could lead to atrocities. It thus tests the idea in much of the literature on counterinsurgency that the British were restrained and used minimum force when compared to other colonial and neo-colonial powers fighting insurgents. 相似文献
47.
近年来,随着智能移动终端和互联网技术的结合,上网变得十分便利。网民数量激增的同时,网络谣言层出不穷,给社会安全与稳定造成不良影响。文章从心理学角度深入分析助推网络谣言的原因,并基于心理规律提出网络谣言的管控措施。 相似文献
48.
Tameshnie Deane 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(6):971-995
The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983–2009) is regarded as a violent reflection of deepening divides along political and ethnic lines. During this civil war the Sri Lankan Government and its security forces have been implicated in unlawful killings carried out in a pervasive manner against civilians, whilst at the same time specifically targeting ethnic Tamils, humanitarian workers and journalists. The human rights of all citizens suffered as a result and ultimately led to the weakening of the rule of law. With the end of the civil war, the Sri Lankan Government has made little progress in providing accountability for wartime abuses. Its absence of and reluctance to ensure justice is seen as a logical culmination of decades of impunity. The importance of acknowledging historical behaviour and taking accountability for past violations will be discussed. In an analysis for paving the way to a new democracy in Sri Lanka, the main outcomes of this article are calls for accountability arising out of the government’s actions during the war; an investigation into the present state of human rights, the rule of law and finally; an examination into the political solution going forward to ensure a process of reconciliation and peaceful co-existence. 相似文献
49.
ABSTRACTThe making of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has put Austria and its involvement in nuclear disarmament in the spotlight. This study highlights several factors that led Austria to become a prominent voice in nuclear-disarmament debates. First, its involvement dovetails with the emphasis on humanitarian disarmament it has promoted since the 1990s. Second, a strong antinuclear identity pervades Austrian society. This “nuclear allergy” combines antimilitarism inherited from the Cold War and, more broadly, an aversion to nuclear power, including for energy purposes. These two considerations form the background to the increased activism of the Austrian Foreign Ministry on nuclear disarmament in international fora. But, equally, Austria’s crusade for the TPNW can be attributed to the engagement of a small team of diplomats implementing personal as well as national preferences in favor of disarmament. 相似文献
50.
Artyom Jelnov 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(6):648-657
This paper studies a strategic conflict between a state and a non-state military organization. The non-state military organization decides whether to attack or not to attack the state, while the state decides on its counter-measure. If the state uses a high level of violence against the non-state organization, it may be accused by the international community of ‘non-proportional’ use of force, and both sides of the conflict take this possibility into account. The model predicts that it may be rational for the non-state organization to attack the state, even if as a reaction the state will militarily destroy this organization, due to a positive probability the state will be punished by the international community for non-proportional use of violence. 相似文献