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131.
主要介绍了排气系统红外抑制器的原理,归纳了建立抑制器模型的方法,列举了多种提高红外抑制器性能的方案和一些重要实验结果。同时对抑制器发展现状进行了介绍和总结,并作出了比较和展望。  相似文献   
132.
基于多Agent的分布式防空战场资源管理研究   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
分布式防空战场资源管理是构建现代防空体系的核心问题。基于对分布式防空战场资源管理特点的分析,提出了基于多智能体(Agent)的分布式防空战场资源管理体系结构,并深入分析了该管理系统的组成和功能,为实现定性和定量相结合的防空战场资源管理的综合集成,提供了一条有效的途径。  相似文献   
133.
从矢量形式的六自由度弹丸运动方程组出发,推导出了在全部力和全部力矩作用下考虑几何非线性及力和力矩非线性时的弹丸运动方程组,并导出了其用于数值计算的柯西标准形式,得到了攻角和进动角的计算表达式.此动力学模型可用于弹丸大攻角飞行时的弹道计算及某些灵巧弹药(如末敏弹)的设计.  相似文献   
134.
《三国演义》是中国古代军事战争小说的经典之作,它深受《孙子兵法》的影响。文章以赤壁之战、智取荆州、彝陵之战为窗口,以期窥探《三国演义》中所体现的《孙子兵法》的军事思想。  相似文献   
135.
关于加强大学生党员教育的思考   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
高校是培养社会主义建设者和接班人的重要阵地,作为高校大学生中优秀分子的党员,则是实现中华民族伟大复兴的中坚和后备力量,然而大学生党员由于入党时间相对较晚,党内实践锻炼的机会相对较少,因此存在一些问题。我们要认真分析这些问题,并努力探索大学生党员教育的新途径。  相似文献   
136.
研究新公布的北斗民用导航电文中的两类历书与北斗二号导航电文历书的差异,对比分析各类历书对接收机首次定位时间的影响。利用实际的历书数据,比较不同历书类型的用户算法,分析不同龄期数据对接收机首次定位性能的影响。结果表明,高精度历书在1周的数据龄期内性能较为稳定,中等精度历书精度稍逊于高精度历书,但由于简化了电文空间,能接近高精度历书性能。简约历书进一步简化了参数数目和电文空间,尽管位置误差达到了数百千米,但却能在数月之后保持相应精度,有利于缩短接收机首次定位时间。  相似文献   
137.
针对阵列体制雷达,由极大似然估计导出自适应多零点单脉冲测角原理。分析发现迭代步长过大导致双零点单脉冲技术在多目标条件下失效,因此提出加权步长改进角度估计的迭代过程,只需要较少计算量就能实现群内多个目标的精确测角。仿真结果表明:该算法在较高信噪比条件下可以精确测量群内三个目标角度,测角误差约为0.15倍波束宽度;当群目标数较多或者目标相位差接近于0时,算法性能下降明显。  相似文献   
138.
ABSTRACT

Recent nuclear-weapons-related consultation in NATO within the framework of the Defence and Deterrence Posture Review sheds light on historical experiences with nuclear consultation in NATO. In the early years of the Nuclear Planning Group (NPG), which became the main forum for multilateral nuclear consultation in the alliance, developing a nuclear weapons first use doctrine was of particular importance. This process led to the adoption of the Provisional Political Guidelines (PPGs) on the threat to initiate the use of nuclear weapons. With a focus on West Germany as the primary addressee of the NPG, it will be postulated that nuclear consultation functioned and may still be seen as an essential tool to manage the credibility of US extended nuclear deterrence in the framework of NATO.  相似文献   
139.
Although the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) is seen as a novel manifestation of Islamic extremism, it is in fact the latest, albeit perhaps the most effective, of a long line of revivalist movements in the Islamic and the Arab worlds. Its motivations – hisba and jihad – differ little from its predecessors and its ambitions – to create a state organised in accordance with the precepts of the Islamic caliphate – reflect a long-standing Islamic ambition. It differs, of course, in terms of the sophistication of its political and military strategies, which mirror the contemporary complexities of the world in which it operates, but its objectives recall long-standing Islamic ideals, even if articulated in radically brutal and extremist ways. More importantly, perhaps, ISIS or Da’ish, to give it its Arabic sobriquet, reflects the enormous degree of resentment inside the Middle East at the ways in which Western powers have intervened in regional affairs over recent years, particularly their support for regimes and economic systems there that have betrayed, in the popular imaginary, the essential principles of social justice that lie at the root of Islamic vision of ideal social order. Indeed, in many respects, its analysis of the world in which it operates and of the objectives it seeks differ little in essence from those any other resistance and rejectionist movement, whether religious or sectarian. More specifically, it has been the sectarian conflict that resulted from the reversal of political order in Iraq as a result of the 2003 American-led invasion that has driven the success of the movement in capturing widespread Sunni support. Whether it can manage the complexities of the administration of a state remains open to question.  相似文献   
140.
The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983–2009) is regarded as a violent reflection of deepening divides along political and ethnic lines. During this civil war the Sri Lankan Government and its security forces have been implicated in unlawful killings carried out in a pervasive manner against civilians, whilst at the same time specifically targeting ethnic Tamils, humanitarian workers and journalists. The human rights of all citizens suffered as a result and ultimately led to the weakening of the rule of law. With the end of the civil war, the Sri Lankan Government has made little progress in providing accountability for wartime abuses. Its absence of and reluctance to ensure justice is seen as a logical culmination of decades of impunity. The importance of acknowledging historical behaviour and taking accountability for past violations will be discussed. In an analysis for paving the way to a new democracy in Sri Lanka, the main outcomes of this article are calls for accountability arising out of the government’s actions during the war; an investigation into the present state of human rights, the rule of law and finally; an examination into the political solution going forward to ensure a process of reconciliation and peaceful co-existence.  相似文献   
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