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141.
Lot splitting is a new approach for improving productivity by dividing production lots into sublots. This approach enables accelerating production flow, reducing lead‐time and increasing the utilization of organization resources. Most of the lot splitting models in the literature have addressed a single objective problem, usually the makespan or flowtime objectives. Simultaneous minimization of these two objectives has rarely been addressed in the literature despite of its high relevancy to most industrial environments. This work aims at solving a multiobjective lot splitting problem for multiple products in a flowshop environment. Tight mixed‐integer linear programming (MILP) formulations for minimizing the makespan and flowtime are presented. Then, the MinMax solution, which takes both objectives into consideration, is defined and suggested as an alternative objective. By solving the MILP model, it was found that minimizing one objective results in an average loss of about 15% in the other objective. The MinMax solution, on the other hand, results in an average loss of 4.6% from the furthest objective and 2.5% from the closest objective. © 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2010 相似文献
142.
刘秋莲 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2011,(11):9-12
目前,我国公安机关在处置群体性事件过程中,在警察权定位及适用权限判断上存在着警察权适用程序失准、绩效不足、角色失当、制度不完善等困境。应从明确公安机关的处置原则、角色定位、建立权力规制和权利救济制度、构建公安机关分级应对策略等方面加以完善。 相似文献
143.
张立勋 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2013,(11):57-59
当前,以“为民、务实、清廉”为主要内容的党的群众路线教育实践活动在全党全军深入开展,准确把握党的群众路线科学内涵,必须厘清党员干部要“相信谁”、“依靠谁”、“为了谁”和“我是谁”这四个逻辑问题,才能科学地指导教育实践活动深入开展,这既是确保活动取得良好成效的客观要求,也是新形势下丰富马克思主义党建学说的应有之义. 相似文献
144.
145.
Despite both regional and international efforts to establish a weapons of mass destruction–free zone (WMDFZ) in the Middle East, regional support beyond mere rhetoric seems unattainable. The lack of commitment to WMD disarmament results from the complexity of regional security dynamics, which are characterized by a high level of weaponization and crosscutting conflicts. This article examines a strategy for WMD disarmament in the Middle East. First, such a strategy must reflect the motives underlying a state's WMD aspirations. Security and prestige may be identified as two motives that affect the acquisition, and thus also the abandonment, of WMD. Second, Egypt, Iran, Israel, and Syria are important actors because their reasons for desiring WMD cannot be considered apart from each other, and progress will consequently depend on the inclusion of all these actors. In this regard, we recommend the establishment of a parallel process between efforts to establish a WMDFZ and peaceful relations in the Middle East. Solving central problems, like the lack of political determination and security cooperation, is vital to create consensus on the final framework of a zone. This study suggests a way forward by analyzing the central causes of conflict in the region and recommending ways to resolve them in order to establish a WMDFZ. 相似文献
146.
Patricia M. Lewis 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):425-429
Banning Weapons of Mass Destruction, by Frederick N. Mattis. Praeger Security International, 2009. 129 pages, $39.95. 相似文献
147.
Neil Narang 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):457-468
ABSTRACTThe popular use of the term “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) can be understood to imply a relationship between nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons proliferation insofar as it assumes that the separate weapons technologies can be usefully grouped into a single analytic category. This article explores whether WMD is actually a useful construct. It begins by reviewing the literature on nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons proliferation, including a recent study that sought to estimate the relationship between the pursuit and acquisition of these different weapons. It then explores some policy inferences that academics and policy makers may be tempted to draw from these studies, particularly regarding the Barack Obama administration's pursuit of deep nuclear reductions. It argues that many of these policy inferences are premature at best and misleading at worst. It concludes with a call for additional research into the causes and consequences of chemical and biological weapons proliferation, and a call for scholars to remain cautious in their desire to draw premature policy implications from their studies in order to be “policy relevant.” 相似文献
148.
President Barack Obama and an array of other Western leaders continue to assert that the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) to non-state actors is one of most pressing challenges to global security today. Yet, Western efforts to engage governments—particularly governments across the global South—in a practical nonproliferation dialogue have largely yielded disappointing results. This viewpoint examines the need for a new strategy to engage the developing world in nonproliferation programs. It argues that strategies focused strictly on WMD nonproliferation are unsustainable, and ultimately are destined for failure. An alternative “dual-benefit” nonproliferation engagement strategy utilizes the enlightened self-interest of partner governments needed to achieve broad-based buy-in among all partners. In a concluding section, we recommend that the “Group of 8” Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction standardize this model of nonproliferation engagement as it sets out to identify and fund WMD nonproliferation capacity-building initiatives beyond the states of the former Soviet Union. 相似文献
149.
The Asia-Pacific is emerging as a critical region in the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) is an aggressive global strategy designed to interdict the transport of these weapons and associated technologies. However, some observers have suggested that the Asia-Pacific has given the PSI a less than enthusiastic reception. The authors posit a more sanguine view. They caution against taking such a holistic approach to the region. Asia does not speak with one voice when it comes to security, and opposition to the PSI is not as widespread nor deep-rooted as may have been anticipated. In addition, the PSI's informal structure encourages flexibility, enabling states to participate in certain activities while eschewing others that may be technically or politically untenable. 相似文献
150.
再入飞行器采用变质心控制不但可以保持较好的气动外形,还町以增大机动能力,但变质心控制较强的非线性和耦合性大大增加了控制系统设计难度,使控制器设计和实施的代价较高。针对这一问题,基于自抗扰控制技术,设计了变质心再入飞行器双通道解耦控制器。通过构造连续光滑扩张状态观测器,不加区分飞行器的各类干扰与耦合,对其统一进行估计:利用非线性状态反馈控制律,并自适应调节控制参数对其进行补偿,实现对飞行器姿态的解耦控制。仿真结果表明:该方法大大降低了对系统模型精度的要求与控制器设计实施代价,对变质心再入飞行器非线性、耦合性以及参数摄动具有较强的鲁棒性。 相似文献