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451.
中哈石油合作的安全战略及国家利益 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
高素芳 《兵团教育学院学报》2007,17(1):17-21
经济快速增长时期旺盛的石油需求使中国石油进口及对外依存度不断上升,石油来源及进口安全成为保障经济安全的战略难题;中哈两国凭借资源、地缘优势和共同的利益需要,业已建立起牢固的互信关系和利益纽带,以中哈输油管道对接为契机的石油合作为我国石油安全战略和国家利益的实现提供了历史机遇,不但使我国石油来源及进口多元化有了坚实的基础和可靠的保证,从而掌握石油贸易全球化的主动权,而且可加快我国石油资源利用的市场化、国际化进程,为我国顺利完成工业化进程提供多元化的能源保障。 相似文献
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453.
基于灰白化权函数的装备维修科研绩效评估 总被引:5,自引:1,他引:5
运用专家调查法建立了装备维修科研绩效评估的指标体系,依据层次分析法的原理确定了各指标的权重,借助于灰色系统评估法和模糊综合评估法对各科研单位的绩效进行了综合评定,确定了各科研单位的绩效水平. 相似文献
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455.
建设海洋强国战略目标、建设强大海上军事力量需要探索中国特色的装备体系建设新模式。针对未来信息化战争体系对抗的特点,在研究中外武器装备体系建设经验基础上,提出了海上军事力量装备成体系建设的新模式,并讨论了海上军事力量装备成体系建设的有关问题。 相似文献
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Yan Cimon 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(4):333-346
With the Canada First Defence Strategy, Canada has put forth a major opportunity to reconcile national security imperatives and industrial policy. The Jenkins Report (2013) set out to examine ways to use that procurement effort to foster key industrial capabilities (KICs) that would put the Canadian defence industry at an advantage both nationally and internationally. The Canadian defence industry should then develop highly focused capabilities with a view to moving up global value chains. As such, KICs that hold the best potential should be selected. They should be sustained through a range of strategies that are however contingent on the elimination of policy gaps. This leads to a balancing act between the need to control intellectual property assets versus accessing them in a world where national boundaries are eroded. Canada’s industry should target opportunities outside North America while continuing to focus on better integration with the North American industry. 相似文献
458.
We consider the problem of optimally maintaining a stochastically degrading, single‐unit system using heterogeneous spares of varying quality. The system's failures are unannounced; therefore, it is inspected periodically to determine its status (functioning or failed). The system continues in operation until it is either preventively or correctively maintained. The available maintenance options include perfect repair, which restores the system to an as‐good‐as‐new condition, and replacement with a randomly selected unit from the supply of heterogeneous spares. The objective is to minimize the total expected discounted maintenance costs over an infinite time horizon. We formulate the problem using a mixed observability Markov decision process (MOMDP) model in which the system's age is observable but its quality must be inferred. We show, under suitable conditions, the monotonicity of the optimal value function in the belief about the system quality and establish conditions under which finite preventive maintenance thresholds exist. A detailed computational study reveals that the optimal policy encourages exploration when the system's quality is uncertain; the policy is more exploitive when the quality is highly certain. The study also demonstrates that substantial cost savings are achieved by utilizing our MOMDP‐based method as compared to more naïve methods of accounting for heterogeneous spares. 相似文献
459.
Albert Mauroni 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(1-2):127-141
The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security. 相似文献
460.
Jon Rahbek-Clemmensen 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(4):343-361
ABSTRACTThis article examines the strategic purpose of Individual Augmentee Officers (IAOs) for junior partners in multinational military operations through an exploratory case study of Danish IAOs in Iraq and South Sudan between 2014 and 2017. IAOs are individual officers who are moved from their normal functions to be seconded to other units of the armed forces of their own or another country or an international institution. The study concludes that IAOs function as strategically important, yet not necessarily indispensable, supplements to military contingents in several ways: making tangible contributions to the overall mission (contributing), gaining access to information, knowledge, and experience (learning), and lobbying decision-making processes within mission headquarters (lobbying). The usefulness of IAOs depends on whether the junior partner has specific interests and a significant presence in the theatre and whether the mission is conducted as a UN mission, a NATO mission, or an ad hoc coalition. 相似文献