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201.
CEC条件下的舰艇编队防空问题 总被引:13,自引:4,他引:9
未来战争是"海、陆、空、电、天"五位一体的高技术战争,机动战、火力战和信息战将贯穿于作战的全过程.面对这样一种局面,传统的水面舰艇编队防空作战样式必将发生重大变革以适应未来海战的需要.美国海军针对上述情况研究了协同作战能力(CEC),并将其推广应用于各种指挥系统.CEC已经成为一种提高指挥系统协同作战能力的重要技术,通过使每个独立平台成为战斗群的延伸来弥补单个平台的弱点.借鉴了网络中心战的思想并结合美军提出的CEC,分析了CEC条件下的我水面舰艇编队的防空问题. 相似文献
202.
便携式防空导弹反巡航导弹作战效能分析 总被引:10,自引:2,他引:8
采用美国工业界武器系统效能咨询委员会提出的 ADC模型 ,对某型便携式防空导弹武器系统拦截巡航导弹的作战效能进行了详细的数学建模和分析计算 ,并得出了计算结果。从计算结果可以看出 ,作为低空反巡航导弹的武器系统 ,某型便携式防空导弹具有较高的作战效能 ,在多发联射拦截巡航导弹时其作战效能还会有进一步的提高 ,因此具有大力推广的价值。 相似文献
203.
地面防空火力单元基于D-S理论选择反导防御手段 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
在现代战争中,飞航导弹发挥了重要作用,取得了巨大的作战效能。地面防空火力单元面临着如何合理使用防御措施、正确选择干扰手段加强对飞航导弹防御的问题。提出一种把基于D-S理论的数据融合技术应用于地面防空火力单元选择干扰手段进行反导防御的方法。结果表明,利用D-S理论可以较好地选择对飞航导弹的干扰手段。 相似文献
204.
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206.
攻方目标被守方兵器选中的概率研究 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
建立了不同情况下攻方目标被守方兵器随机选中概率的数学模型 ,初步分析了突防反突防问题、兵力分配问题及对抗问题 ,供进一步研究和试验参考 相似文献
207.
Richard A. Bitzinger 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(5-6):762-789
ABSTRACTEven with sizable economic inputs, access to foreign technologies, and considerable political will, China, up until the late 1990s, experienced only limited success when it came to the local design, development, and manufacture of advanced conventional weapons. Not surprisingly, therefore, reforming the local defense industry in order to upgrade its technology base and manufacturing capabilities and to make armaments production more efficient and cost-effective has long preoccupied the Chinese leadership. The fact that most of these efforts had little positive impact on the country’s military technological and industrial capabilities only encouraged Beijing to experiment with additional reforms in the hopes of finally getting it right. 相似文献
208.
As the most knowledge-intensive industrial sectors, China’s defense industries are developing very fast. The present paper will explore the contribution of China’s defense innovation to its economic growth. Cobb–Douglas production function, integrating defense and non-defense stock in knowledge, is applied during the course. In addition, an input–output analysis of defense equipment procurement was done. Positive effect of China’s defense innovation on economic growth has been revealed by comparing the results from the two methods. And some suggestions are made to strengthen the effect. 相似文献
209.
Stephen Ciccone 《Defence and Peace Economics》2016,27(6):743-773
Controversy has long surrounded the role and profitability of US defense contractors. From a financial perspective the question becomes whether defense contractors earn greater profits and investor returns than other companies during military conflicts. We explore this question by examining the accounting profitability and investor returns of US aircraft manufacturers before, during, and after World War II and compare them to a sample of non-defense firms. We also examine the reactions of aircraft stock prices to important political and military events of the time. We find that (1) aircraft stocks exhibited positive abnormal returns around events associated with defense buildups and outbreaks of hostile action and negative returns around events signaling an end to hostilities, (2) the company’s accounting returns improved during the war but these higher accounting returns did not translate into higher stock returns for the shareholders, and (3) investors could have earned higher stock returns had they switched out of aircraft stocks after Pearl Harbor and reinvested the proceeds in the overall market. 相似文献
210.
Kayce Mobley 《Journal of Military Ethics》2016,15(2):122-142
Following the terrorist attacks against the US in 2001, the Bush administration reaffirmed the Dover ban, the policy that prohibited press coverage of military coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base from conflicts abroad. Conventional wisdom holds that the Bush administration enforced the ban in the hope of maintaining public support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This understanding, though, is incomplete. If the Dover ban were enforced only in response to eroding public opinion, then other coalition states would have responded likewise to this shared incentive. I argue instead that maintaining public support is only one factor among many that led the US to uphold this policy. In addition to considering the influence of factors such as perceived media bias and casualty aversion, I focus on necropolitics and the related impetus for governments to regulate the observation of death. Through this interpretation, part of the American response to the involuntary loss of sovereignty on 9/11 was to exercise control over the observation of death by enforcing the Dover ban. Through comparing the press policies of the US, the UK, and Canada, I show that the necropolitical blow to sovereignty that only the US experienced triggered a repressive policy that only the US was able to maintain. 相似文献