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971.
972.
海防工程是海军赢得非接触、非对称作战胜利和保存作战潜力的重要硬件基础,将关系到海军作战装备战斗力的发挥,直接影响作战的进程与结局。因此,海防工程结构健康监测系统正成为军内学术界和工程界的研究热点。无线传感器网络由于安装方便、维护成本低和部署灵活等特点,已被广泛应用于各类工程结构健康监测系统中。本文阐述了基于无线传感器网络的海防工程结构健康监测系统提出的背景、基本概念和构成体系,通过模拟部署舰艇洞库结构健康监测系统,协作地实时感知和采集洞库结构信息及环境数据,从而实现海防工程、信息网络和后勤管理的无缝衔接,形成一体化保障能力。 相似文献
973.
Michael Kluth 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(2):158-173
How have European cross-border defence industrial mergers and acquisitions affected domestic procurement bias among the major EU powers? This article departs from the findings of Andrew Moravcsik more than two decades ago suggesting that major West European states had no ingrained preferences for defence industrial autarchy. When cross-national armament projects were derailed, this could be attributed to political efforts of national defence industrial champions favouring purely domestic projects. As former national champions join pan-European defence groups, their preferences are likely modified. Does this shift procurement towards non-European “off-the-shelf” solutions which, according to Moravcsik, are favoured by defence departments? Or does it give impetus to a stronger preference for European as opposed to domestic systems? In this article, procurement patterns in the aftermath of cross-border defence industry consolidation will be analysed. Procurement bias is assessed in two industry segments characterised by pervasive consolidation. 相似文献
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975.
976.
“空海一体战”是美国的一种新型作战理论,是在20世纪80年代“空地一体战”等诸多战法及兵种妥协基础上形成的一种新型军事战略,旨在通过空海军力量的配合,进行近域作战,以抵消对手的反进入/区域拒止能力,取得战争的主动权与控制权.“空海一体战”作为美国战略重心东移的重要角力点与支撑要素,在美国亚太战略中的作用举足轻重,对亚太周边国家尤其是中国的国家安全构成重大威胁,为此有必要对其理论渊源、发展目标、策略行动及障碍缺陷进行剖析与解构,为中国维护国家安全,构建良好的国家安全环境提供战略储备与智力支持. 相似文献
977.
Jomana Amara 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(3):326-342
In 1968, President Nixon established the Commission on an All-Volunteer Armed Force, or the Gates Commission, which served as the impetus and justification for an All-Volunteer Force (AVF). At the end of its deliberations, the commission recommended abolishing the draft and transforming the U.S. military into a force of volunteers beginning in 1973. Interestingly, the debate regarding the merits of both systems appeared to be largely economic – with cost–benefit analysis playing the primary role. Lately, we are beginning to see a new, politically-motivated impetus for returning to a “system of national service.” The ideas spurring this debate are many: the need to reaffirm the nation state, the commitment of citizens to the state, political ownership and oversight of the forces, the need for social equity in serving the nation, limiting the support for armed conflict by burden-sharing among citizens, and equitably spreading the personal cost of war. 相似文献
978.
Michael Evans 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(2):133-146
The most effective way for the Western profession of arms to use history is to disavow the purism and narrow specialisation of today’s academia in favour of developing a contemporary approach to the subject. The latter aims to foster a range of applied diagnostic skills that transcend the temporal dimensions of past, present, and future. A contemporary approach to history for military professionals emphasises the use of inter-disciplinary war studies to enhance policy relevance. In any defense and security organisation, history must be usable in the sense of providing cognitive and interpretative skills for probing relationships between possibility and actuality, between experience and expectation, and between singularity and repetition. Using history to examine such dialectical interconnections is particularly valuable when military establishments confront their essential task of analyzing emerging trends in the future of war. 相似文献
979.
Jahara Matisek 《Defense & Security Analysis》2018,34(3):267-290
ABSTRACTThe United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since the end of World War Two. During the Cold War, it proved vital in protecting numerous regimes from communist takeovers. Successful outcomes occurred when American leaders made large initial aid commitments, and the states had the capacity and political willpower to use it effectively. However, Vietnam was an example of how U.S. support lagged, as leaders in Saigon preferred political survival instead of creating regime legitimacy. Following 9/11, American security aid focused on making weak countries develop stronger security forces. Unfortunately, this created Fabergé egg militaries: expensive and easily broken by insurgents. This article suggests long-term strategic commitments need to be made alongside more resources for the American State Department and similar organizations to focus on the politics of state-building. Finally, this article suggests strategies, such as “whole-of-government” approaches, to improve long-term security and political institution building. 相似文献
980.
PANG Zhihui 《国防科技》2018,39(1):047-052
韩国自20世纪90年代起开始考虑反导系统的构建以来,其反导政策经历了\"明确反对加入美国反导体系,自主构建韩国型导弹防御系统\"到\"强化韩美、韩美日反导合作,谋求实质上融入美国反导体系\"的显著调整与变化。韩国反导政策的演变与朝鲜核、导威胁的与日俱增、韩国自身反导能力的不足及美国的极力推动等因素密不可分。当前,韩国开始部署\"萨德\"末段高空区域反导系统,韩美反导合作日益深入,并向韩美日三边合作拓展,且取得了实质性的进展。韩国强化与美、日的反导联合,在军事、外交、安全方面引发了广泛影响。 相似文献