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61.
    
ABSTRACT

With the world’s ninth largest economy and comprising nearly 60% of South America’s GDP, 47% of its territory, and 49% of its population, Brazil has become a regional power and an important actor in world affairs over recent decades. This scenario has led the government to re-evaluate its role in the world order, resulting in the enactment of the National Defence Policy, whose objective was to consolidate the country as a regional power while at the same time addressing national security issues, promoting economic development through a series of defence programmes, restructuring the defence industrial base, fostering innovation through technology and knowledge transfer to Brazil, and indigenous research and development. However, the policy’s implementation suffers from several challenges discussed in this article, which may test the capability and competence of Brazilian policymakers, military, industrialists, and other individuals and organisations involved in its implementation.  相似文献   
62.
This article explores whether it makes sense for national governments to employ defence industrial policies – such as offsets and discriminatory procurement practices – to support their domestic defence industries. This question has so far primarily been discussed by economists, who have argued strongly against the use of defence industrial policies. This article maintains that these economists fail to address the often complex motivation behind the introduction of these policies. It illustrates these shortcomings by contrasting their arguments against a case study of Norway, which accounts for the country’s use of defence industrial polices from the early post-Second World War era up until today. The article concludes that, depending on their objectives, defence industrial policies can be seen as either a sound security strategy or an economic fallacy.  相似文献   
63.
    
This article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of Greek-Cypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand post-war Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future.  相似文献   
64.
党的十九大报告提出要“加强全民国防教育”,“综合国防素质”的提出明确了国防教育的目标,具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。在“综合国防素质”研究综述的基础上,从国防知识、国防意识、国防理念、国防技能、国防创新能力、国防行为六方面全面把握“综合国防素质”的基本内涵,明晰“综合国防素质”的概念,推进综合国防素质问题的深入研究。  相似文献   
65.
20世纪初,民族问题是西欧和俄国阶级斗争的焦点之一,解决民族问题成为无产阶级革命的当务之急。列宁从俄国民族斗争的实际出发,撰写了《关于民族问题的批评意见》一文,此文是列宁研究俄国民族问题的集大成之作。列宁以马克思主义民族理论为指导,澄清资产阶级和机会主义者在民族问题上散布的谬论和制造的混乱,批判了资产阶级和机会主义者鼓吹超阶级的民族文化的反动谬论,为解决俄国民族问题指明了方向。  相似文献   
66.
坚持和发展中国特色社会主义,全面建成小康社会,离不开社会主义初级阶段这个最大实际。同样,全面深化改革,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦,也离不开当前中国的“最大实际”。我们必须坚持“最大实际”的社会主义原则,必须把握“最大实际”的崭新成就基础,必须注重“最大实际”的时代诉求,在新的历史起点上全面深化改革。  相似文献   
67.
建国六十年来,我国国防法制理论研究,始终坚持军地结合、基础先行、服务治军和理论创新,取得了令人瞩目的成就,积累了丰富的历史经验。  相似文献   
68.
境外反恐行动在国际上已有大量先例,对于一个境外目标面临恐怖威胁或遭受恐怖袭击的国家,是不容回避的现实问题。通过对境外反恐行动产生的根源、各国境外反恐的对策、采取的方式及其制约因素的综合分析,能够得出有益的启示。反恐怖斗争的严峻现实和发展趋势,要求我们探索境外反恐对策,切实保护国家利益和人民生命财产安全,同时为国际反恐斗争作出应有的贡献。  相似文献   
69.
任职院校国防生自尊、自我效能感及个性特征的研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
调查任职院校国防生自尊、自我效能感状况及其个性特征,为任职培训期间开展教育和管理工作提供参考。采用自尊量表(SES)、一般自我效能感量表(GSES)、艾森克人格问卷(EPQ)以及自编问卷方法,对535名任职院校国防生进行调查。结果显示:任职院校国防生自尊水平与专业、是否学员骨干等因素有关;自我效能水平与居住地等因素有关;任职院校国防生人格特征与军校生和军人群体相对接近,但与大学生群体有所不同。可见,对任职院校国防生进行教育管理时,应该重点从提高国防生的自尊和自我效能感水平入手,更好地维护和提高国防生在任职培训期间的心理健康水平。  相似文献   
70.
Countries with a federalist system of government have different arrangements for providing national security. US national security is provided by national and State defense forces. The quintessential national function – national defense – experienced some changes that enhanced the role of the States. Policy changes in the National Defense Authorization Act of 2008 (2008 NDAA) introduced new roles for the Governors and the State defense forces, or the National Guard. This article explores how the interests of Congress and States aligned in the 2008 NDAA such that the national defense function changed. This article finds that the national government continues to have the central coordinating role, but that the politics and provisions of the 2008 NDAA changed the national–State relationship in mission, decision-making, and command and control so that US federalism in the national defense function is evolving in unexpected ways.  相似文献   
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