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91.
Conventional wisdom seems to hold that under Barack Obama, the US ballistic missile defence programme has been pushed aside to allow for a refreshed domestic and international agenda. Proponents point to Obama's campaign thinking and rhetoric, the ballistic missile defence (BMD) budget cuts, the decision to end the Third Site in Europe, and the reset relations with Russia through the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) as evidence that the programme has undergone a significant period of change, retraction and rationalisation. This article argues instead that BMD has not fallen from prominence and that there is a change in focus rather than retraction of its strategic goal. Consequently, BMD continues to grow in importance as a component of US national security strategy.  相似文献   
92.
民族自决权理论是马克思主义处理民族问题的一个基本原则。列宁在领导俄国革命的过程中,进一 步丰富和发展了马克思主义的民族自决权理论,为巩固无产阶级政权,建立社会主义制度发挥了重要作用。正确 认识列宁的民族自决权理论,对我们当前解决民族问题,反对民族分裂,维护祖国统一,具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   
93.
    
ABSTRACT

In No Use: Nuclear Weapons and U.S. National Security Policy, Thomas M. Nichols calls for a constructive rethinking about the history of nuclear weapons and the attitudes that have grown up around them. Despite dramatic reductions since the end of the Cold War, the United States still maintains a robust nuclear triad that far exceeds the needs of realistic deterrence in the twenty-first century. Nichols advocates a new strategy of minimum deterrence that includes deep unilateral reductions to the US nuclear arsenal, a no-first-use pledge, withdrawing US tactical nuclear weapons from Europe, and ending extended nuclear deterrence for allies. The weakest part of his argument eschews nuclear retaliation against small nuclear states that attack the United States, opting instead to use only conventional weapons to guarantee regime change. He admits this will entail enormous cost and sacrifice, but cites the “immorality” of retaliating against a smaller power with few targets worthy of nuclear weaponry, which totally ignores the massive underground facilities constructed to shield military facilities in many of these states. Despite this, Nichols's thoughtful approach to post-Cold War deterrence deserves thoughtful consideration.  相似文献   
94.
李自力 《国防科技》2017,38(3):004-011
国防科技评价是国家科技评价的组成部分,是国防科技管理的重要内容,是构建军民融合创新体系的内在要求。分析了国防科技评价的基本内涵,阐述了构建国防科技评价体系的总体设想,提出了改革国防科技评价制度的几点思考。研究认为,改革国防科技评价制度,完善国防科技评价体,要加强国防科技评价理论研究,重视国防科技评价机构建设,充分发挥第三方评价的作用,建立多元化的国防科技评价体系,完善国防科技专家选择机制,建立健全国防科技评价指标,加快国防科技评价人才培养,优化国防科技评价环境建设。  相似文献   
95.
This article argues that since the advent of democracy, the South African Police Service (SAPS) has been plagued by poor administration. Having inherited a repressive police force, the post-apartheid national police commissioners (NPCs) have found it difficult to transform the organisation. Among the unintended consequences has been a rise in police deaths. Although police deaths can be attributed to numerous factors, this article focuses on fault lines in the SAPS administration through a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) analysis drawing largely on existing scholarly debates. Essential theoretical perspectives have been employed to gain insight into the root causes of the problem. The article concludes that poor administration and a lack of trust, partnership and collaboration between police officers and community members have perpetuated the killing of police officers. These killings are further compounded by the flawed and ill-conceived selection and appointment of NPCs. As a consequence, the article recommends that the appointment of NPCs should be promptly reviewed. It further recommends that each potential candidate should have risen through the ranks and must fully comprehend the challenges facing the organisation.  相似文献   
96.
    
Taking its point of departure in Donald Rumsfeld’s second term as US Secretary of Defense (2001–2006), this article analyses the crisis of strategic leadership in Western national security. Three “traps” are identified that explain why Donald Rumsfeld ultimately was a failure as defence secretary and demonstrate the perils of national security governance. These traps are termed the inquisitor trap, the strong leader trap and the delegation trap. It is argued that our understanding of strategic leadership in national security, particularly in defence, can benefit from insights gained from the study of strategic leadership in business. As such, this article engages the recent trend of merging insights from business and military strategy.  相似文献   
97.
民族团结法制化、制度化是指我国在促进各民族平等团结的社会买践中,逐步便民族团结的思想、政策转化为国家的一项法律或制度,使民族团结成为我国法律体系中的一项重要内容。改革开放以来我国已建立起了一个促进各民族和睦相处、平等团结的完备的法律法规体系,它包括以宪法为主干,以民族区域自治法为基础,以各项具体的法律、法规为补充的法律框架。这些法律、法规伴随着我国社会主义建设事业的不断发展而逐步完善,体现了我国政府对民族团结法制化、制度化建设的重视。本文将对我国改革开放以来民族团结法制化、制度化建设及其对新疆的影响作些探讨。  相似文献   
98.
地空协同无人系统作为新质跨域智能作战力量已成为世界强国开展军事技术竞争的前沿方向。本文首先总结了地空协同无人系统的概念、功能及发展目标,分析了世界主要国家制定的专项规划,从形成智能作战体系、改变战场攻防平衡及全面提高作战效能三个方面阐述了地空协同无人系统对未来战争的重大意义;其次,针对其面临的环境复杂、资源受限和平台异构等约束条件,从分布式态势认知、适应性智能导航及异构系统协同控制等方面总结了地空协同无人系统需要突破的关键技术;最后,为应对智能化战争挑战,从技术瓶颈、平台建设及政策支持等方面提出发展建议。该研究可为地空协同无人系统在国防科技领域的研究、应用和发展提供参考。  相似文献   
99.
<民族问题概论>课教学与民族团结教育相辅相成、相得益彰.通过讲授中华民族概况、马克思主义民族理论及党和国家的民族政策,不仅拓宽了大学生的知识面,而且增强了大学生的理论、政策水平和实际能力.以树立马克思主义民族观,坚持民族平等团结原则来正确认识、分析和处理民族问题.  相似文献   
100.
This paper is a study of the phenomenon of trans-border ethnic relations and its impact on national integration and citizenship in the countries of West and Central Africa where trans-border ethnic groups exist. Despite the existence of many such groups in these regions, and the numerous problems associated with the continued relations among these groups across their countries of abode, the phenomenon has not been seriously studied, especially as it concerns the identification of members of such groups and how they are viewed by members of other ethnic groups, as citizens of one country or the other. This paper notes that trans-border ethnic solidarity ordinarily presents the relevant African states with two possibilities, namely: enormous benefits accruing from regional integration and cooperation among states harbouring fractions of trans-border ethnic groups; or, debilitating conflicts within and between these states. It is the reality of the latter possibility that this paper examines. The states and the international system are often incapable of containing this phenomenon of trans-border ethnic solidarity and usually respond in hostile ways, ultimately manifesting in citizenship problems. The study shows, however, that what is needed is not conflict but cooperation – within and between states having fractions of a trans-border ethnic group, and within the international system, for the enhancement of national citizenship and development in West and Central Africa.  相似文献   
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