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121.
Leonard Weiss 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):269-284
The phenomenon of global warming has led to a revival of the prospects for increased nuclear energy production worldwide, yet such increased production carries with it the increased risk of proliferation. To mitigate this risk, various multinational arrangements have been proposed to provide reliable supply of nuclear fuel while at the same time discouraging the construction of national plants for nuclear enrichment and reprocessing. This article provides a brief history of some of these proposals and concludes that the likelihood of success for such schemes as effective tools for nonproliferation is not high at this time. A proposal from the World Council on Renewable Energy to expand the understanding of supplier obligations under Article IV of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to include the development of non-nuclear energy technologies for NPT parties in good standing is potentially a much better nonproliferation tool. Such an approach tracks the ideas contained in Title V of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Act of 1978, which has recently received revived congressional interest. 相似文献
122.
Since the post-World War II genesis of nuclear deterrence, two presidential initiatives have been presented to deliver humanity from the threat of its failure. The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a constellation of space- and ground-based systems that President Ronald Reagan envisioned would render nuclear weapons “impotent and obsolete.” The second is President Barack Obama's roadmap to “a world without nuclear weapons,” commonly referred to as “Global Zero.” While these proposals appear to have little in common, deeper investigation reveals a number of provocative similarities in motivation and presentation. Moreover, both generated fierce debate, often with ideological overtones, about their strategic desirability and technical feasibility. We use these parallels, as well as prominent dissimilarities, to draw lessons from the SDI experience that can be applied to the debate over Global Zero. 相似文献
123.
Sumit Ganguly 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):381-387
Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb, by Feroz Hassan Khan. Stanford University Press, 2012. 544 pages, $29.95. Managing India's Nuclear Forces, by Verghese Koithara. Brookings Institution Press, 2012. 304 pages, $59.95. 相似文献
124.
Ward Wilson 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):421-439
Nuclear deterrence is sometimes treated as a known quantity—a definite thing that keeps us safe and ensures our security. It has also often been used as a justification for possessing nuclear weapons. Nuclear deterrence, however, is based on an unexamined notion: the belief that the threat to destroy cities provides decisive leverage. An examination of history (including recent reinterpretations of the bombing of Hiroshima) shows that destroying cities rarely affects the outcome of wars. How is it possible that an action that is unlikely to be decisive can make an effective threat? Recent work on terrorism suggests that attacks against civilians are often not only ineffective but also counterproductive. And a review of the practical record of nuclear deterrence shows more obvious failures than obvious successes. Given this, the record of nuclear deterrence is far more problematic than most people assume. If no stronger rationale for keeping these dangerous weapons can be contrived, perhaps they should be banned. 相似文献
125.
基于LDO稳压器在电磁干扰(EMI)下产生直流偏移失效的机理分析,展开敏感度建模与仿真方法研究。使用一款实验芯片,创新地引入片上电压传感器,用于测试EMI在LDO稳压器内部的传播特性。在敏感度建模中,建立等效电路模型,通过直流功能测试,Z参数阻抗特性测试验证模型的正确性,将该模型用于LDO稳压器的敏感度预测。在敏感度仿真过程中,通过分析关键子电路和不断增加寄生元件,仿真不同寄生因素对敏感度影响的权重。将仿真结果与传导直接注入法(DPI)片上测试结果对比,仿真结果与DPI测试在频域1MHz至1GHz匹配。 相似文献
126.
127.
考虑到舰船环境限制和高能脉冲负载对储能的需求,有必要对储能装置进行合理的选型和优化配置,来提升综合电力系统性能。为此,基于带权极小模理想点法和层次分析法,提出了一种储能装置性能评价函数,并以其为优化目标,进行储能装置优化配置。所提出的评价函数充分考虑系统需求和脉冲负载特性,以储能装置体积、质量和经济性作为评价函数主要组成部分,同时考虑功率、能量、电压、荷电状态等约束,建立优化配置模型,并采用差分进化算法进行求解。以高性能锂电池和超级电容器为例,对所提模型进行求解计算,结果表明在所给权重系数下锂电池性能更优,更适用于综合电力系统,并给出了优化配置后的指导方案。 相似文献
128.
Richard B. White 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(3-4):261-274
The Indian government has not made a public comment about the status of its nuclear weapon program since approving a nuclear doctrine in 2003. However, there is now enough information in the public domain to determine that the command-and-control system for the nuclear program has steadily matured in accordance with the intent of the approved nuclear doctrine. The Indian government has successfully mitigated many of the issues that plague the conventional military. The result is a basic command-and-control system that is focused only on the delivery, if ordered by the prime minister, of nuclear weapons. The system is not as robust as those of the United States and Russia, but is in place and ready as new Indian nuclear weapons enter into operation. The command-and-control system is developing to meet India's needs and political compulsions, but not necessarily as part of a more assertive nuclear policy. 相似文献
129.
Jeffrey S. Lantis 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(1):21-41
The number of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements surged during the “nuclear renaissance” of the past decade. This proliferation is only partially explained by the prevailing approaches that focus on strategic imperatives. To supplement these explanations, this study draws on neoliberal models of economic competition to posit that bilateral agreement negotiations also exhibit conditions of “uncoordinated interdependence” and maneuvering to gain market share. Case evidence suggests the contours of supplier state bids for civilian assistance are determined at least as much by considerations about economic competition as they are by positive strategic goals. In addition, this study identifies several cases of cooperation where there appears to be little or no strategic motive for export agreements. The study concludes that patterns of economic competition and the influence of peers in defined competitive spaces alter material payoffs and impact policies. It also identifies a surprising role for principled restraint in dampening strategic and economic competition in some dyads. 相似文献
130.
Paolo Foradori 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(2):189-205
Regrettably, moral arguments are largely absent from the current debate on nuclear disarmament. Indeed, complementing politico-strategic thinking with ethical categories could significantly strengthen the abolitionist call. To fill the gap, this article analyzes the evolution of the nuclear ethics of the Roman Catholic Church and especially its position on nuclear deterrence. If this strategy was granted interim and strictly conditioned moral acceptance during the Cold War, nuclear deterrence is today increasingly considered ineffective, an obstacle to genuine disarmament, and hence morally unjustifiable. In the new security context, the conditions for the Catholic Church's “interim nuclear ethics” have altered, and nuclear disarmament has become a feasible option and an alternative strategy to deterrence. 相似文献