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591.
Sumit Ganguly 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(3-4):255-260
The question of nuclear stability in South Asia is a subject of both academic and policy significance. It is the only region in the world that has three, contiguous nuclear-armed states: India, the People's Republic of China, and Pakistan. It is also freighted with unresolved border disputes. To compound matters, all three states are now modernizing their nuclear forces and have expressed scant interest in any form of regional arms control. These issues and developments constitute the basis of this special section, which explores the problems and prospects of nuclear crisis stability in the region. 相似文献
592.
Jaclyn Tandler 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(2):125-148
“French nuclear diplomacy” is the French government's use of civilian nuclear cooperation agreements (NCAs) to advance specific commercial and strategic interests. During the heart of the so-called nuclear renaissance, the Élysée Palace aggressively peddled France's nuclear expertise and technology abroad, signing over a dozen new NCAs in an effort to bring in business for the French industry, forge diplomatic relationships, and promote global nonproliferation norms. Several years later, however, the outcomes of France's aggressive global nuclear power push appear nominal at best. This article explores the mixed results of this nuclear campaign, and through three case studies, illustrates how many of France's commercial and political disappointments stem from unrealistic expectations and the disorganization of the French nuclear complex. 相似文献
593.
Stephen J. Cimbala 《Defense & Security Analysis》2014,30(1):29-43
US nuclear deterrence and arms control policy may be moving, by design and by inadvertence, toward a posture of strategic “defensivism”. Strategic “defensivism” emphasizes the overlapping and reinforcing impact of: (1) reductions in US, Russian and possibly other strategic nuclear forces, possibly down to the level of “minimum deterrence,” (2) deployment of improved strategic and/or theater antimissile defenses for the US, NATO allies and other partners; and (3) additional reliance on conventional military forces for some missions hitherto preferentially assigned to nuclear weapons. This article deals with the first two of these aspects only: the interaction between missile defenses and offensive force reductions in US–Russian strategy and policy. The findings are that stable deterrence as between the USA and Russia is possible at lower than New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty levels, but reductions below 1000 deployed long-range weapons for each state, toward a true minimum deterrent posture, will require multilateral as opposed to bilateral coordination of arms limitations. Missile defenses might provide some denial capability against light attacks by states with small arsenals, but they still fall short of meaningful damage limitation as between powers capable of massive nuclear strikes. 相似文献
594.
Rizwan Zeb 《Defense & Security Analysis》2014,30(3):230-244
Due to expanding and increasing religious extremism and terrorism coupled with political instability in Pakistan, most western observers believe that Pakistan's nuclear weapons are not secure and could be taken over by terrorists. This would have adverse implications for the region and for global peace, especially for the security of USA and Europe. This article argues that this perception is based on a flawed understanding and knowledge of how Pakistan's command and control setup has evolved and operates. Pakistan's nuclear weapons are as safe as any other state's nuclear weapons. Pakistan has also been active in supporting and participating in global efforts to improve nuclear safety and security. Over the years, Pakistan has been quite open in sharing information regarding how it is improving its command and control system with western governments as well as scholars. This article argues that the steps Pakistan has taken to secure its nuclear weapons are adequate and that Pakistan would continue to further strengthen these measures; however, it is the expanding religious extremism, terrorism and anti-Americanism in the country which make the international perception of Pakistan extremely negative and then seep into the perception of Pakistan's nuclear weapons safety and security. 相似文献
595.
美智库机构战略与预算评估中心(CSBA)高级研究员巴里·瓦茨(Darry D.Watts)2013年发表的《精确打击的演化发展》报告,对美国海湾战争以来的军事革命进行了详尽的分析。报告提出了区分远程与近程精确打击的参考标准,详细介绍了美国20世纪军事革命中精确打击能力和作战趋势形成的背景和过程,分析了精确打击弹药采购的资源制约因素,评价了美国在成熟精确打击体制中全球力量投送面临的风险和挑战,希望美国及时做出相应的调整和变革。《精确打击的演化发展》报告对理解精确打击时代的美国军事革命有较大帮助,对美国未来几十年的新的军队结构和能力发展趋势可能具有重要参考价值。 相似文献
596.
美军是世界新军事变革的积极倡导者和先行者,其以信息化为核心的全面军事转型计划启动早,成效明显,具有丰富的实践经验。借鉴美军的训练转型经验,对于准确理解和把握战斗力生成模式转变的特点规律,探索战斗力生成模式转变的方法途径,破除制约战斗力生成的瓶颈,加快推进战斗力生成模式转变,提升信息化条件下的作战能力,具有一定的理论和现实意义。 相似文献
597.
利用重庆市九龙坡区电网2009年7月1日000-10月8日4:00 99 d共2 380个历史电力负荷数据,分析其特点和规律.将构建混沌理论的平均位移(AD)法和支持向量机(SVM)相结合,提出了一种新的短期电力负荷预测模型.通过仿真计算,将结果与神经网络法预测结果进行对比,可得新方法能较好反应数据变化趋势,并且具备较好的拟合能力,能够提高负荷预测精度.在实际短期电力负荷预测中,可优先选用平均位移法与支持向量机相结合的新方法. 相似文献
598.
Daniel Bultmann 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2014,25(2):457-478
This article investigates power practices in the Cambodian insurgency after 1979 as being part of a social field. There are various types of power practice being exercised by commanders aiming at making soldiers disciplined inside the insurgency. The hypothesis explaining these variations being proposed here is that the type of power being exercised depends on the habitus of the respective commander. Power practices are shaped by the incorporated classificatory discourse of commanders on good soldierhood and leadership. Thereby, armed groups can be analyzed as a social field in which practices are always relational and part of symbolic struggles between different commanders. 相似文献
599.
600.