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151.
The current nuclear nonproliferation order is no longer sustainable. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) has weakened considerably over the years, with nuclear have-nots displaying increased dissatisfaction with the status quo. Meanwhile, demands for civilian nuclear technology have led to increased proliferation risks in the form of dual-use technologies. Arms control as we currently understand it—piecemeal treaties and agreements—is no longer sufficient to address the growing threat of proliferation and the frailty of the NPT. This article calls for a bolder nonproliferation agenda pursuing multilateral nuclear disarmament. Disarmament is, in fact, technologically achievable; a lack of political will stands as the only remaining roadblock to a world free of nuclear weapons. A better understanding of the technological feasibility of disarmament, as well as recognition of the diminishing strategic value of nuclear weapons, will help to erode this political reluctance. 相似文献
152.
Bruno Tertrais 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):251-273
France still sees its nuclear arsenal as essential both as insurance against future major risks and as support for an independent foreign policy. There is a wide consensus in the country to maintain a nuclear deterrent, both among political parties and the general public. A modernization program is under way that will ensure the continued efficacy of the French nuclear force well into the 2030s, and France has adopted a fairly restrictive interpretation of its disarmament commitments under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. This suggests that the likeliest future direction of France's nuclear policy is conservatism. However, other scenarios remain possible, especially in the domain of transatlantic and/or European cooperation. 相似文献
153.
After the conclusion of the 2008 Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) for the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Nonproliferation Review interviewed Ambassador Yukiya Amano of Japan, who presided over the 2007 session of the PrepCom in Vienna. He provided valuable insights into his preparations for the PrepCom and shared his thoughts on some of the most pressing issues that confronted his chairmanship and the PrepCom as a whole. The interview also provides useful perspectives on the future of the strengthened review process. 相似文献
154.
Jessica C. Varnum 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):393-398
Nuclear Logics: Contrasting Paths in East Asia and the Middle East, by Etel Solingen. Princeton University Press, 2007. 404 pages, $26.95. 相似文献
155.
Mohini Rawool‐Sullivan Paul D. Moskowitz Ludmila N. Shelenkova 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):161-171
When does a state become a “nuclear weapon state”? How we choose to answer this question has significant implications for proliferation assessment, analysis, and policy. Traditionally, the standard demarcation line has been a state's first nuclear test, but in recent years analysts have increasingly focused instead on the accumulation of a significant quantity (SQ) of fissile material. The article argues that although the test/no-test indicator clearly has problems, its replacement by the SQ/no-SQ indicator would be highly counterproductive. The article instead proposes supplementing the traditional test/no-test indicator with a theory-driven approach that focuses on the incentives and disincentives to test. 相似文献
156.
Michael D. Intriligator 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(1):3-11
Defence economics uses the tools of economics to study the defence sector and its domestic and international implications. Simple models require careful application in defence economics, since indirect effects may have counterintuitive impacts. For example, while certain arms races can lead to the outbreak of war, others may have the counterintuitive effect of discouraging the outbreak of war owing to mutual deterrence. The world is now multipolar rather than bipolar, analogous to an oligopoly situation. This multipolar world can be analyzed by a qualitative characteristic function, where the formation of a potential coalition allows study of the shift from conflict to cooperation in international relations. Some new issues to be considered in this framework include accidental nuclear war, potential arms races and conflicts in the third world, and the proliferation of chemical weapons and missiles. 相似文献
157.
Matthew Bunn 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):533-538
Defusing Armageddon: Inside NEST, America's Secret Nuclear Bomb Squad, by Jeffrey T. Richelson. W.W. Norton & Company, 2009. 318 pages, $27.95. 相似文献
158.
蝶形天线在探地雷达中已有广泛的运用,但其辐射效率不高的问题一直存在。究其原因,主要是将近70%的辐射能量是以有碍目标探测的拖尾的形式存在。为了保证探测性能,传统上可观的拖尾能量往往以阻抗加载的方式被吸收掉。本文研究发现,当选择双极性单周波作为激励脉冲时,通过优化天线长度可以实现拖尾能量的有效利用,从而显著地提高蝶形天线的辐射效率。仿真实验结果表明,在较远的探测距离上本文方法可以将辐射效率提高近100%。通过实测实验进一步验证了本文方法的有效性。此外,本文所提的方法易于工程实现,工程应用价值十分明显。 相似文献
159.
针对圆柱壳结构瞬态声振特性分析研究不足,结合Newmark-β积分法和Kirchhoff时域边界积分方程,提出一种圆柱壳受迫振动声辐射Jacobi-Ritz时域半解析法。基于一阶剪切变形理论和微元法思想,建立了圆柱壳振动声辐射分析模型,采取Jacobi多项式和Fourier级数表示轴向和周向位移容许函数,基于Rayleigh-Ritz法和Newmark-β积分法计算圆柱壳的受迫振动时域响应,在此基础上,基于Kirchhoff积分方程求解辐射噪声时域响应,分析圆柱壳受迫振动声辐射特性。与有限元方法/边界元方法数值结果对比表明,该方法具备收敛性好、精度高等优点,圆柱壳结构声振响应峰值随边界条件的刚度变弱存在左移现象,振动声辐射响应随厚度的增加呈现下降趋势;当随机载荷峰值频率与结构固有频率接近时,结构声振响应出现强特征线谱。 相似文献
160.
Devin T. Hagerty 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(3-4):295-315
This article analyzes India's nuclear doctrine, finding it to be critically flawed and inimical to strategic stability in South Asia. In pursuing an ambitious triad of nuclear forces, India is straying from the sensible course it charted after going overtly nuclear in 1998. In doing so, it is exacerbating the triangular nuclear dilemma stemming from India's simultaneous rivalries with China and Pakistan. Strategic instability is compounded by India's pursuit of conventional “proactive strategy options,” which have the potential to lead to uncontrollable nuclear escalation on the subcontinent. New Delhi should reaffirm and redefine its doctrine of minimum credible nuclear deterrence, based on small nuclear forces with sufficient redundancy and diversity to deter a first strike by either China or Pakistan. It should also reinvigorate its nuclear diplomacy and assume a leadership role in the evolving global nuclear weapon regime. 相似文献