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排序方式: 共有430条查询结果,搜索用时 62 毫秒
101.
Dallas Boyd 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(1-2):105-126
Nuclear deterrence requires not only the reliability of a state’s strategic weapons and the willingness of its leaders to employ them but also an adversary’s appreciation of these conditions. Weapons perceived as failing to hold their targets at risk may lack deterrent value, just as retaliatory threats that are not believable may fail to deter, even if a state’s operational capabilities are robust. Both the technical and political credibility of the US nuclear deterrent may have suffered self-inflicted harm since the end of the Cold War, often as casualties of intemperate policy debates. In particular, doubts have been sowed about the reliability of aging US warheads under a science-based stockpile-stewardship regime meant to substitute for nuclear-explosive testing. Likewise, the credibility of US deterrent threats may have waned as American leaders have spoken ever more stridently about the horrors of nuclear war and nuclear terrorism, underscoring their extreme aversion to the risk of nuclear attack. Diminished credibility in both spheres threatens to compromise US national-security objectives ranging from nuclear nonproliferation to the outcomes of nuclear crises. 相似文献
102.
将在某一频率下或某一频段内对封闭声腔声势能起主要作用的一阶或几阶声辐射模态定义为耦合封闭声腔的主导声辐射模态。准确认定主导声辐射模态至关重要,直接影响有源控制效果。然而,现有的主导声辐射模态确定方法,要么仅考虑辐射效率的作用而忽视模态幅度的影响,要么就需要用到结构模态信息,难以实现工程应用。基于此,综合运用计算和测试手段,全面考虑辐射效率和模态幅度两个因素,提出了一种基于“初选—预留—后验”的主导声辐射模态确定方法,并通过实验研究证明了该方法的有效性和可行性。结果表明:提出的确定方法能够准确认定主导声辐射模态,确定过程中不需要用到辐射体的结构模态信息,可用于指导控制目标选取或重构封闭声腔声势能。 相似文献
103.
教学质量监控是教学质量有力保证,也是当前高校所要加强的重要工作。通过研究发现,虽然我国高校大学公共体育教学建立了相应的质量监控体系,也取得了一定的经验,但还有许多需要改进的方面,应引起我们高度关注。 相似文献
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介绍了一个输油泵机组状态监测与故障诊断系统,研制该系统的目的是为了实时掌握输油泵机组的运行状态,为针对性的维护提供依据和手段.设计的系统一方面能对机组的运行状态进行实时监测,产生各种数据报表,另一方面能对机组的常见故障进行诊断分析,及时、准确地对泵机组各种异常状态或故障状态作出诊断,预防或消除故障,同时,也能为泵站运行提供必要指导,减轻管理人员的劳动强度,确保输油泵机组长期、稳定、高效、低耗地运行. 相似文献
106.
军事通信卫星及其下行链路性能研究 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
随着航天技术、数字通信技术、信息安全技术等的发展,一些军事大国恣意进行空间“武器化”,掌握“制天权”,对他国的安全构成严重的威胁。介绍了军事通信卫星及其优缺点,以及在现代战争中的应用,并对军事通信卫星的下行链路进行有效干扰的一些性能数据进行了分析和计算机仿真。 相似文献
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109.
Stephen J. Cimbala 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(3):193-208
Nuclear deterrence and cyber war seem almost antithetical in their respective intellectual pedigrees. Nuclear weapons are unique in their ability to create mass destruction in a short time. Information or “cyber” weapons, at least for the most part, aim at sowing confusion or mass disruption instead of widespread physical destruction. Nevertheless, there are some intersections between cyber and nuclear matters, and these have the potential to become troublesome for the future of nuclear deterrence. For example, cyber attacks might complicate the management of a nuclear crisis. As well, information attacks on command-control and communications systems might lead to a mistaken nuclear launch based on false warnings, to erroneous interpretations of data or to panic on account of feared information blackout. It is not inconceivable that future nuclear strike planning will include a preliminary wave of cyber strikes or at least a more protracted “preparation of the battlefield” by roaming through enemy networks to plant malware or map vulnerabilities. 相似文献
110.
Frank O’Donnell 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(1):78-101
India’s nuclear doctrine and posture has traditionally been shaped by minimum deterrence logic. This logic includes assumptions that possession of only a small retaliatory nuclear force generates sufficient deterrent effect against adversaries, and accordingly that development of limited nuclear warfighting concepts and platforms are unnecessary for national security. The recent emergence of Pakistan’s Nasr tactical nuclear missile platform has generated pressures on Indian minimum deterrence. This article analyzes Indian official and strategic elite responses to the Nasr challenge, including policy recommendations and attendant implications. It argues that India should continue to adhere to minimum deterrence, which serves as the most appropriate concept for Indian nuclear policy and best supports broader foreign and security policy objectives. However, the form through which Indian minimum deterrence is delivered must be rethought in light of this new stage of regional nuclear competition. 相似文献