论文化革命与文化建设

“文化革命”一词是列宁在晚年提出的,在中国的实践可以追溯至新民主主义革命时期,但“文化革命”在中国的实践不仅没能达到其原本的目标,反而给整个社会带来了巨大的灾难。从“文化革命”到“文化建没”,是文化发展史上的一个进步。现阶段．建设中国特色社会主义文化,应在中国特色社会主义理论体系的指导下,吸收继承我国传统文化,发展创新现代文化,同时学习借鉴团外优秀文化。     

装备保障能力生成与黏性研究

作为军队战斗力的重要组成部分,动态环境下装备保障能力生成研究成为关注的焦点。针对新军事变革条件下装备保障能力生成问题,采用黏性思想,分析了新军事变革对装备保障能力生成的需求,从要素维、结构维和运行维3方面对装备保障能力生成系统黏性现状进行了剖析,并从哲学的角度对黏性成因进行了研究,最后针对黏性对未来一体化联合作战条件下装备保障能力生成的发展对策进行了探讨,为系统认识和指导装备保障能力生成实践提供思路和新视角。     

用三维非线性Langevin方程计算裂变碎片质量分布

采用扩散模型,利用｛ｃ,ｈ,ａ｝三参数描述核形状,建立了三维非线性Ｌａｎｇｅｖｉｎ方程。用Ｍ—Ｃ方法模拟了核的形变运动,计算了处于高激发态的~（１９８）Ｈｇ,~（２１０）Ｐｏ和~（１８５）Ｒｅ核的裂变碎片质量分布。给出了裂变碎片的平均质量、均方差及最可几值等物理量。计算结果与实验值定性一致。     

Threats and civil–military relations: explaining Singapore’s “trickle down” military innovation

This article explains why Singapore, despite its small size and semi-authoritarian regime, retains one of the best military forces in the Indo-Pacific. It unpacks Singapore’s ability to continuously innovate since the 1960s – technologically, organizationally, and conceptually – and even recently joined the Revolution in Military Affairs bandwagon. Drawing from the broader military innovation studies literature, this article argues evolutionary peacetime military innovation is more likely to occur in a state with a unified civil–military relation and whose military faces a high-level diverse set of threats. This argument explains how the civil–military fusion under the People’s Action Party-led government since Singapore’s founding moment has been providing coherent and consistent strategic guidance, political support, and financial capital, allowing the Singapore Armed Forces to continuously innovate in response to high levels and diversity of threats.     

Let’s make a (nuclear) deal: Bargaining,credibility, and the third offset strategy

An institutional perspective on nuclear deterrence cooperation within alliances has the potential to fundamentally reorient how we think about analyzing nuclear and deterrence decision-making between nuclear patrons and non-nuclear clients. It comes at a time when the presidency of Donald Trump is sure to test many of the core claims and assumptions in security studies, especially relating to bargaining and credibility within alliances. This article surveys questions that will be core to the research agenda involving alliance institutions and nuclear weapons during the Trump presidency and beyond.     

Enhancing Political Cohesion in NATO during the 1950s or: How it Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the (Tactical) Bomb

This article argues that the perceived need by NATO to nurture political cohesion within the Alliance during the 1950s resulted in the adoption of strategic concepts that were out-of-step with the military environment in which it was operating. It maintains that the Alliance acquiesced to American leadership on nuclear issues which led to the development of tactical nuclear capabilities at the expense of conventional war-fighting capabilities for the defence of the European Central Front. This resulted in a strategic concept that enhanced political cohesion but was militarily unviable.     

Nuclear opportunism: A theory of how states use nuclear weapons in international politics

How do states use nuclear weapons to achieve their goals in international politics? Nuclear weapons can influence state decisions about a range of strategic choices relating to military aggression, the scope of foreign policy objectives, and relations with allies. The article offers a theory to explain why emerging nuclear powers use nuclear weapons to facilitate different foreign policies: becoming more or less aggressive; providing additional support to allies or proxies, seeking independence from allies; or expanding the state’s goals in international politics. I argue that a state’s choices depend on the presence of severe territorial threats or an ongoing war, the presence of allies that provide for the state’s security, and whether the state is increasing in relative power. The conclusion discusses implications of the argument for our understanding of nuclear weapons and the history of proliferation, and nonproliferation policy today.     

How durable is the nuclear weapons taboo?

The nuclear weapons taboo is considered one of the strongest norms in international politics. A prohibition against using nuclear weapons has seemingly shaped state behavior for nearly seven decades and, according to some observers, made nuclear use ‘unthinkable’ today or in the future. Although scholars have shown that nuclear aversion has affected decision-making behavior, important questions about the nuclear taboo remain unanswered. This article seeks to answer a basic question: How durable is the taboo? We develop different predictions about norm durability depending on whether the taboo is based primarily on moral logic or strategic logic. We use the comparable case of the norm against strategic bombing in the 20th century to evaluate these hypotheses. The logic and evidence presented in this paper suggest that the norm of nuclear non-use is much more fragile than most analysts understand.     

压水堆运行中ΔT超温度/超功率保护分析

从核电站压水堆动力装置在运行中ΔT超温度 /超功率保护功能出发 ,介绍了压水堆ΔT超温度 /超功率保护系统 ,分析了确定极限限制线以及保护区的方法 ,并对此作出了评价 .     

高功率电磁环境下导弹发射阵地近地面电磁脉冲波形仿真*

主要研究在高功率电磁环境下高空核爆到达导弹预设作战阵地近地面时的电磁脉冲环境.首先给出高空核爆电磁脉冲场近地面计算的理论基础,然后分析不同条件下近地面的电磁脉冲环境参数,编程实现了基于时域有限差分算法的电磁脉冲波形数值仿真,完成了多种特定预设战场环境下的电磁脉冲计算,最后给出由于电磁脉冲武器的发展和HEMP波形表述形式变化,给导弹武器系统抗电磁脉冲性能研究带来的影响和新动态趋势.结论认为:应加强对前沿更陡、强度更强电磁脉冲的抵抗能力,防御重点放在机动作战样式方面,提高战地战时抗毁生存能力.