全文获取类型
收费全文 | 434篇 |
免费 | 16篇 |
国内免费 | 10篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 15篇 |
2019年 | 36篇 |
2018年 | 27篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 44篇 |
2013年 | 169篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 15篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有460条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
281.
Adam M. Scheinman 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):257-267
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards are under more stress today than at any time in their history. Compliance concerns, a shortage of resources and technology, and growing responsibilities threaten to undermine the effectiveness and credibility of this vital and fundamental pillar of the nonproliferation regime. To address this challenge, the United States recently launched the Next Generation Safeguards Initiative. The goal of this initiative is to ensure the IAEA makes the fullest possible use of its existing authority to prevent the diversion of safeguarded material and to investigate suspicious activities. The initiative will advance state-of-the-art technology, foster the development of a new generation of safeguards experts, and promote technology collaborations and safeguards-conscious infrastructure in states using or pursuing nuclear power. Although it has a domestic focus, the initiative's intent is to catalyze a much broader commitment to international safeguards in partnership with other governments and the IAEA. 相似文献
282.
Mary Raum 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):427-431
It is rare to find a well-formulated study that describes the behavioral aspects of leadership in the political realm. Even more infrequent is a combined study of individual behaviors as it applies to a large techno-political issue such as nuclear proliferation. India, Argentina, Australia, and France are used as cases for application of a national identity conception model. The model is based on two dimensions, solidarity and status, that when combined, result in a leader's identification with other nations’ abilities to be a player in the nuclear arms community. While the work is behavioral in context, there is no effort to avoid the technological side of proliferation, so as to provide a balanced review of a complex issue. 相似文献
283.
Kaegan McGrath 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):407-433
The rejection of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) by the U.S. Senate in October 1999 could have been avoided, and the consequences of that vote still loom in the minds of supporters of the treaty. President Barack Obama has embraced the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and a key element of the Obama administration's arms control agenda is delivering on U.S. CTBT ratification. In order to secure the two-thirds majority in the Senate necessary to ratify the treaty, senators that remain skeptical of nuclear disarmament must also be convinced that the entry into force of the CTBT is in the national security interest of the United States. This article provides an analysis of the issues surrounding U.S. CTBT ratification divided into three segments—verifiability of the treaty, reliability of the U.S. stockpile, and the treaty's impact on U.S. national security—and concludes that CTBT ratification serves the security objectives of the United States. The CTBT constitutes an integral component of the multilateral nonproliferation architecture designed to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and it constrains the qualitative development of nuclear weapons, thereby hindering efforts by states of concern to develop advanced nuclear weapons. 相似文献
284.
Linton F. Brooks 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):521-525
The Tradition of Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons by T.V. Paul. Stanford University Press, 2009. 319 pages, $29.95. 相似文献
285.
Samuel Oyewole 《Defense & Security Analysis》2013,29(3):253-262
Boko Haram terrorism has been recognized by Nigerian President Jonathan as the most threatening and complex security issue in Nigeria since independence. In response, the Federal Government of Nigeria has committed itself to different counterterrorism measures, which are largely dominated by “hard politics” and military mobilization. Spending heavily on defense to upgrade military hardware and train personnel in a counterterrorism role, Nigeria has also boosted its strategic importance in the “Global War on Terror”. However, this attempt has become unpopular as it has failed to contain Boko Haram within a short time frame and has made insufficient headway against unabated terror, with human rights costs among the host communities and amidst a surge of stakeholders' discordance. As a matter of concern, this article seeks to assess Boko Haram as an opponent in Nigeria's war on terror (WOT) and to ascertain the challenges the country faces, the alternative measures open to it, and possible ways forward. 相似文献
286.
Christopher J. Eberle 《Journal of Military Ethics》2013,12(1):54-67
My aim in this paper is to reflect on a very narrow question: under what conditions might a cyber-attack provide a just cause for war? I begin by articulating what makes for a just cause, briefly address the problem of attribution, and then discuss three broad categories of cyber-attack: those that clearly do not satisfy the just cause requirement, those that clearly do satisfy the just cause requirement, and three ambiguous cases – the destruction of property, the emplacement of logic bombs, and the failure to prevent cyber-attacks. My conclusions are exploratory and suggestive rather than definitive, partly by virtue of the extreme paucity of literature on the moral assessment of cyberwar. 相似文献
287.
文章研究信息化条件下局部战争战法。利用模拟作战实验室实践检验、论证完善战争设计理论,普及电脑游戏开发战争想象力,借虚拟数学方式预测战争结果。强化“战争设计”对训练的牵引作用,落实训战一致。强调加强军事理论研究的针对性、前瞻性.综合考虑武器装备、战争战例、军事训练水平、人员素质、战役战术等因素,对未来可能发生的战争进行准确预测。 相似文献
288.
289.
John H. Gill 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(5):701-726
ABSTRACTThe Kargil conflict was a limited war between India and Pakistan fought along the Kashmir Line of Control during the spring/summer of 1999. Named for the principal town in the combat zone on the Indian side, it was the first open warfare between India and Pakistan as declared nuclear weapons states and included the first combat employment of the Indian Air Force since 1971. Despite its intensity, it was also characterised by considerable restraint on both sides. The potential for conventional escalation, however, was high and the possibility of nuclear confrontation could not be excluded. It had significant long-term ramifications for both countries and constitutes an important part of the backdrop to their relations today. 相似文献
290.
汪红伟 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(5):12-16
从关于国防和军队重大改革的重要论述入手,系统地阐述了武警部队重大改革必须向“能打胜仗”的战斗力聚焦。主要从三个层面进行分析:一是向提高部队整体素质及优化规模结构聚焦;二是向提高部队武器装备保障效能聚焦;三是向增强部队以执勤处突为中心的军事能力聚焦。 相似文献