进气口位置和进气体积流量对油罐油气惰化置换效率的影响

采用机械通风方式对油罐油气进行处理,具有安全性差、通风时间长和效率低下的缺点;利用燃惰气对油罐油气进行处理,可较好地克服上述缺点。在前期研究的基础上,设计模拟实验台架,以燃惰气为介质,实验研究进气口位置和进气体积流量对燃惰气惰化置换油罐油气的影响。     

舰载无人机对岸可观测安全飞行空间分析模型

基于舰载无人机对岸上目标的观测能力出发研究出的"理想观参",考虑各种因素对舰载无人机在任务区域飞行安全的影响,建立了地理通视性分析模型、地理可飞性分析模型、飞行可控性分析模型、弹道安全性分析模型和观参上限分析模型;综合上述模型,给出了舰载无人机可观测安全飞行空间,满足可观测安全飞行空间的观测参数即为当前环境下的"实用观参";根据本文模型研制的舰载无人机对岸射击观测辅助决策软件,实现了舰载无人机对岸射击观测的科学决策。     

无人系统安全防护研究

当前,无人作战系统在大规模、高烈度、高科技体系对抗中的安全防护能力尚显不足,需从多方面加以提升。本文首先从自然环境、协同运用、综合对抗以及自主权限给无人系统带来的安全风险为出发点,深入分析了无人系统的安全防护需求;其次,根据需求,总结了无人系统安全防护的目标,并分别从提升无人系统环境适应性能、降低无人系统可探测概率、强化无人系统抗毁伤能力、夯实无人系统自主作战安全性设计等四方面详述了无人系统可采取的安全防范措施;再次,利用体系防护资源,结合无人平台和载荷的防护基础,提出了内外一体的、控制与防护分离的协同安全架构;最后,对无人系统安全防护的未来发展趋势进行了展望。     

Initiating a cooperative denuclearization effort with North Korea

ABSTRACT

As the United States and North Korea pursue negotiations on a “denuclearization” agreement, the two countries should consider initiating cooperative measures as a way to build confidence and encourage finalization of a complete agreement. Based on lessons from the initial engagements carried out under the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program in states of the former Soviet Union (FSU), initial cooperation should focus on safety and security, training, and infrastructure elimination. By offering to implement these initiatives now while negotiations are underway, the United States could gain additional insights into North Korean intentions. These early initiatives could be proposed without compromising the US maximum-pressure campaign on North Korea by using the current authorities of the CTR program and carefully designing specific exemptions that may be required for any agreed measures. If North Korea is truly interested in pursuing disarmament efforts, the initial cooperative projects would enable them to begin reaping potential benefits while negotiations continue with sanctions still in place. These initial proposals could also be expanded to include additional international partners such as Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan. Such programs and initiatives would support and supplement longer-term strategies to address North Korean weapons-of-mass-destruction challenges.     

Chinese views of the nuclear endgame in North Korea

ABSTRACT

This article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program.