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241.
Philippe Droz-Vincent 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(3):434-455
AbstractLibya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands. 相似文献
242.
Major William Selber 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(2):344-366
Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs. 相似文献
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Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
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系统地论述了当前世界范围内各式远距离反坦克导弹的研究、发展、应用、升级改造思路和更新换代情况,以及一些知名公司的研制和发展特色;指出远射程、高精度、大威力,以及良好的适配能力和多用途化将成为其发展的重点。 相似文献
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某型弹用管控处理装置在环境应力筛选试验高温阶段出现通讯异常现象,对故障产生的原因进行了查找和分析,最终得出是由于器件选用时考虑不周导致信号在高温出现时序判读错误,由此及时解决了问题并从中获得宝贵经验和启示。 相似文献
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利用影响情报处理系统效能主要因素指标的灰色特性,提出用灰关联分析法作为系统效能评估的方法,并建立了基于该方法的效能评估模型.实例计算分析表明,所提出的方法简单有效,不仅能评估系统的效能,还能对多个系统的效能优劣进行排序. 相似文献
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