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161.
采用数值方法研究了双三角翼上涡流运动随攻角的变化规律.计算取层流假设,研究了攻角在5°~30°,76°/40°后掠双三角翼绕流的流场结构随攻角的变化,并对双三角翼上涡破裂现象对流场结构及气动力性能的影响进行了分析.结果表明,双三角翼上的多涡结构存在强烈的相互影响,较大的攻角会导致涡破裂在翼面上发生,严重影响了双三角翼的气动力性能. 相似文献
162.
随着大规模分子相互作用数据的不断涌现,生物学网络方面的研究正日益得到重视.代谢网络处于生物体的功能执行阶段,其结构组成方式不仅反映了生物体的功能构成,也直接影响代谢工程中的途径分析和研究.作为代谢网络研究的重要环节,实现网络的合理分解不仅对于基因组范围内分子网络的结构和功能研究具有重要意义,也是代谢工程的途径分析和优化得以顺利进行的前提之一.在回顾代谢网络宏观结构和拓扑特征研究成果的基础上,通过对现有分解方法的深入分析,指出缺乏合理且有针对性的模型评估准则是目前网络分解研究中亟待解决的问题之一.今后的研究趋势在于如何整合更多的信息和发展更先进的分析方法,建立更合理的模型,并进一步拓展网络分解的应用范围. 相似文献
163.
提出并研究了布尔函数的Walsh谱绝对值分布.指出布尔函数Walsh谱绝对值分布在仿射变换下的不变性,计算了n(n≤5)元布尔函数的Walsh谱绝对值分布,研究了Walsh谱绝对值分布与Walsh谱支撑和Walsh谱中非零取值个数以及其他一些密码学难题的联系,最后研究了布尔函数的Walsh谱绝对值分布的大小. 相似文献
164.
Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
165.
针对机载航电系统自身辐射源特性,提出一种不依赖敌方探测设备的机载航电系统射频隐身性能评估方法。分析机载航电系统设备在极化域、波形域、能量域中影响射频隐身性能的因素,构建极化域、能量域、波形域射频隐身指标,打破常规的"辐射-接收"模型的隐身性能评估方法,建立基于机载航电系统自身辐射信号工作状态和工作参数的射频隐身定量评估方法。对机载雷达系统进行仿真评估,结果表明,该评估方法能正确反映机载雷达系统的射频隐身性能。 相似文献
166.
Philippe Droz-Vincent 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(3):434-455
AbstractLibya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands. 相似文献
167.
Major William Selber 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(2):344-366
Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs. 相似文献
168.
为了得到发射装置设计因素和超高速碎片性能间的关系,考虑了药型罩的材料、炸药种类、装药长径比、药型罩的锥角、药型罩的厚度、药型罩顶部靠近装药侧的曲率半径等设计因素,采用AUTODYNTM,结合正交试验,对超高速碎片的发射过程进行数值模拟。结果表明,3种发射装置结构分别可以提供质量为1. 533 g的紫铜碎片、速度为11. 649 km/s的铝碎片、动能为85. 6 k J的铝碎片; 2种发射装置结构均可以提供质量大于1 g、速度高于11 km/s的密实结构圆柱状碎片。验证了仿真方法的可信性,对影响碎片性能的设计因素进行了分析、排序,并得到了这些设计因素与碎片质量、速度、动能的关系。 相似文献
169.
170.
Per Marius Frost-Nielsen 《Journal of Military Ethics》2018,17(1):21-35
In this article, I outline a holistic approach to the military concept of “Rules of Engagement” (ROE), which complements the legal aspects of ROE with considerations of operational and political requirements for the use of military force. Drawing upon two illustrative cases from the US military experience with the use of ROE, I demonstrate that ROE for any particular military operation should be formulated to balance optimally, if not harmonize fully, the legal, operational and political concerns related to the use of force. In this task, political decision-makers and military practitioners alike are confronted with unavoidable and real-life dilemmas. How these dilemmas are handled has significant implications for how legal requirements concerning accountability and concerns for civilian lives in military combat can be preserved through ROE. 相似文献