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181.
182.
数据链作为舰艇信息系统的重要组成部分,其效能的发挥程度直接影响作战任务的完成度。针对舰艇数据链技战术运用缺乏科学化、规范化理论支撑的问题,创新性地将作战任务完成度理念引入到舰艇数据链传输时限判定和实效性管控过程中,通过构建舰艇作战任务完成度量化评估模型,并详尽分析数据链传输实效判定因素,提出了基于作战任务的舰艇数据链传输时效性管控方法。 相似文献
183.
184.
针对装甲机械化部队射手素质评价存在的评价内容不全、指标选取不合理等诸多问题,提出了一种基于层次分析法(AHP)和模糊评价法的射手综合素质的三级模糊综合评判模型。首先,在对射手综合素质深刻剖析的基础上,建立了射手综合素质评价指标体系,并运用层次分析法确定了各指标权重;然后,运用模糊综合评价法构建了射手综合素质的三级模糊综合评判模型;最后,通过实例验证了该模型的科学性与实用性。 相似文献
185.
张伟 《兵团教育学院学报》2016,(4)
结合当前新疆高校大学生主流文化教育面临的新问题、新挑战,阐述了中国特色主流文化认同的内涵、特征、主流文化认同的理论视域,分析新疆高校大学生主流文化认同教育的特殊重要性,提出加强新疆高校大学生主流文化认同教育的策略选择。 相似文献
186.
Giampiero Giacomello 《Defence and Peace Economics》2016,27(4):535-548
We model the perspective faced by nuclear powers involved in a supergame where nuclear deterrence is used to stabilise peace. This setting allows us to investigate the bearings of defensive weapons on the effectiveness of deterrence and peace stability, relying on one-shot optimal punishments. We find that the sustainability of peace is unaffected by defensive shields if the latter are symmetric across countries, while asymmetric endowments of such weapons have clear-cut destabilising consequences. 相似文献
187.
Fernando M. M. Ruiz Florent Hainaut Nathalie Schiffino 《Defence and Peace Economics》2016,27(6):774-793
Lobbyists may not share the same interests, but they usually agree to form a link in a network which could eventually be used to spread information, to search for potential partners, to speak with one voice to decision makers. In other words, social links represent value for lobbyists because they may ultimately facilitate access. In this article, we explore the network of the Security and Defense lobbies in the EU and we describe its structure. 相似文献
188.
John-Paul Safunu Banchani 《African Security Review》2016,25(4):420-426
Africa and for that matter the Gulf of Guinea cannot be indifferent to the global energy politics of the 21st century. The increasing importance of the region has attracted major actors in the energy sector. The competing interests of these actors are played out in various forms. This heightened interest in the region, especially with the discovery of oil in huge commercial quantities, has brought the importance of the area into focus in global oil politics. This paper looks at the importance of the region in light of the huge energy potentials of the Gulf of Guinea and how the institution of proper governance systems could serve as an important factor in ensuring the proper management of the resource. 相似文献
189.
Timothy Edmunds Antonia Dawes Paul Higate K. Neil Jenkings Rachel Woodward 《Defence Studies》2016,16(2):118-136
In recent years, there has been a sharp growth in political and sociological interest in the British military. Set against the backdrop of the armed forces’ increasing presence in everyday life, alongside the organizations’ ongoing restructuring, the current paper focuses on the MoD’s problematic attempts to recruit 30,000 reservists by 2020; what has become known as the Future Reserves 2020 programme (FR2020). We argue that these changes are driven in part by the need to cut costs in defence. However, we also suggest that they are a reflection of the changing nature of modern military organisation, and the manner in which armed forces engage with the societies of which they are a part, and with the citizens that make up that society. We locate FR2020 programme in the context of a wider narrative about the changing nature of military organisation in contemporary western democracies, identifying structural, circumstantial and normative reasons for change. We also examine the specific challenges of implementing FR2020 in practice, including issues of recruitment and retention, integration and support, and relations with families and employers, drawing on the experience of comparator countries to do so. We conclude by considering the implications of these changes, both for the future of UK armed forces, and for the evolving nature of military-society relations in Britain. 相似文献
190.
Iis Gindarsah 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(4):336-353
With the rapid pace of regional arms modernization and unresolved territorial disputes, Indonesia is increasingly susceptible to the impact of emerging great power rivalry in Asia-Pacific. Rather than pursuing a robust military build-up, Indonesian policy-makers assert that diplomacy is the country’s first line of defense. This article argues that defense diplomacy serves two agenda of Indonesia’s hedging strategy – strategic engagement and military modernization. This way, Indonesian defense and security officials seek to moderate the impact of geopolitical changes while maintaining the country’s defensive ability against regional uncertainties. 相似文献