不完全权重信息下地空导弹部队阵地评价与排序

给出了地空导弹部队阵地评价指标体系,在已知专家对各指标的打分结果和目标权重范围的局部信息基础下,提出一种先进行局部优化再组合赋权以求得指标的组合权重向量,并根据综合属性值对各方案进行排序的多目标决策方法,避免了获取有关地空导弹部队评价指标偏好信息的困难,最后以实例说明了本方法的应用情况.     

基于模糊MODM的空袭目标威胁评估

针对当前空中来袭目标的主要特点,运用模糊多目标决策(MODM)理论和方法,提出了一种空袭目标威胁评估方法。首先对影响空袭目标威胁程度的因素进行了分析;然后阐述了如何确定影响目标威胁评估的各个指标值;最后依据多目标决策方法,建立了在各指标权重值只有部分已知的情况下,目标威胁评估的数学模型,并通过示例介绍了威胁评估的求解过程。仿真结果表明,该方法有效地解决了目标威胁评估与排序问题,提高了防空作战效能。     

Fostering nonviolent elections in Africa through conflict-sensitive reportage of elections

Given that most Africans view political aspirants in terms of their ethnic and religious lineage rather than political ideology, and since most Africans rely on the media for information, there is a tendency to fall prey to biased and insensitive reportage, capable of inciting violence elicited by the prejudiced information often presented as news, features, commentaries, documentaries, etc. This article hypothesises that with appropriate training on conflict-sensitive reportage, journalists can foster peaceful and nonviolent elections through their reportage. The article recommends the adoption of an alternative method of news reportage using the peace-journalism model. The model, developed by Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick, encourages journalists to report social issues in ways that create opportunities for a society to consider and value nonviolent responses toward conflict by using the insights from conflict analysis and transformation to update concepts of balance, fairness and accuracy in reporting. It also provides a new route map that traces the connections between journalists, their sources, the stories they cover and the consequences of their reportage. In addition, it builds awareness of nonviolence and brings creativity into the practical job of everyday editing and reporting. This article holds theoretical significance in that it explicitly identifies conditions that encourage journalists to apply conflict sensitivity to their reportage, thereby promoting societal peace, particularly during elections.     

基于UML的兵力机动辅助决策软件设计

首先简要介绍了UML的建模体系,然后在使用UML对兵力机动辅助决策软件进行功能需求分析的基础上,进行了问题领域分析,建立了软件的静态和动态模型,并将该软件系统的各种要素、事件和活动,分别在时间和空间上进行了描述,方便开发人员之间的交流,为系统的分析、设计、维护及扩展提供了有利的支持,为兵力机动辅助决策软件系统的研制奠定了基础.     

机床智能加工的体系结构

智能制造技术是近年来兴起的一种新型制造工程,是机械制造的发展方向。由于其研究尚处于起步阶段,其体系结构尚未形成,其精确内涵也正在发展之中。本文就智能制造中的一个重要组成部分──智能加工,探讨了单台机床智能加工的基本概念与基本研究内容,提出了机床智能加工系统的基本结构,论述了各组成模块的基本功能与作用。     

防空C~3I系统战前辅助决策的MADM模型及框架设计

存在于Ｃ３Ｉ系统中的决策是大量且复杂的。首先详细分析了野战防空Ｃ３Ｉ系统战前决策的五个基本内容;然后,根据多属性决策（ＭＡＤＭ）理论,提出了一种统一的战前辅助决策的ＭＡＤＭ模型,并从实际出发,给出了求解随机的ＡＤＭ问题的三个适用方法;最后讨论了辅助决策系统的枢架设计及实现方法。     

利用层次分析法冗余性进行群体决策

指出层次分析法的冗余性,提出利用层次分析法的冗余性直接进行群体决策,检查群体意见一致程度的方法。     

基于模糊推理规则的舰艇规避策略

应用模糊系统理论,给出了声纳报警时鱼雷速度、报警距离等信息不足条件下,舰艇有效规避自导鱼雷的数学模型和决策方法。     

Imperial nostalgia,the liberal lie,and the perils of postmodern counterinsurgency

Since 9/11, counterinsurgency is back in fashion; the ‘war on terror’ has even been branded a ‘global counterinsurgency’. However the context within which counterinsurgency originally arose is critical to understanding the prospects for its present success; the radically changed environment in which it is currently being conducted casts into considerable doubt the validity of the doctrine's application by many national militaries currently ‘rediscovering’ this school of military thought today. Above all, classical counterinsurgency was a profoundly imperial, state-centric phenomenon; consequently it only rarely faced the thorny issue of sovereignty and legitimacy which bedevils and may doom these same efforts today.     

PARLIAMENT AND DEFENCE OVERSIGHT

Abstract

A tremendous amount of important work has been done recently on operationalising the protection of civilians as a military task. The bulk of the discussion has focused on how militaries should respond to direct attacks on civilians. This is an important issue, but thinking about civilian protection should also include a serious examination of the ways in which the approach of military organisations to the problem of ‘spoiler’ groups can affect the level and dynamics of attacks on civilians – importantly, where armed groups are interested in violent control of civilian populations, attempts to ‘dislodge’ them from areas of control may substantially increase the level of violence against civilians (beyond the dangers to be expected from being near areas where active fighting is taking place). In 2009, the United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) supported the Congolese military in operations to dismantle the Hutu-dominated FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) militia group, at massive human cost. Critics have primarily focused on MONUC's failure to protect civilians from direct attack, consonant with the general discourse on tactics for civilian protection. These criticisms are valid, but in this paper I argue that two crucial additional considerations should be kept in mind: the way that military operations can affect violence against civilians, and the way that moralising the approach to armed groups, even those which have committed serious abuses, can limit military and political options – potentially in ways that increase civilian risk in the name of protecting them.