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排序方式: 共有1587条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
分数阶傅立叶变换(FRFT)是傅立叶变换的广义形式,对线性调频(LFM)信号具有很好的能量积累作用.针对反辐射导弹(ARM)雷达回波信号的线性调频特性,提出了一种基于FRFT的反辐射导弹检测方法,并根据ARM信号的调频特性将FRFF局域化,缩小了峰值搜索区域,提高了检测效率.仿真实验表明该方法能够在高斯、非高斯分布杂波环境下有效地检测ARM信号. 相似文献
62.
研究了线性定常系统在循环指数大于1(即其约当标准形不同的约当块有重根)的情况下测试矩阵的优化方法.以循环子空间相关定理的证明为基础,根据根向量链的相关特性,得到了测试向量的线性和与系统观测性的直接关系,给出了在保证系统可观测性的同时,使得测试代价最小的测试矩阵优化方法.算例表明,提出的方法简单直观,对配置测试向量具有良好的工程价值. 相似文献
63.
研究了机动目标宽带线性调频脉冲回波全去斜率信号模型,根据速度和加速度的调频频谱展宽特点,提出了机动目标宽带一维距离像线性化调频回波模型,给出了Radon模糊图转换(RAT)法线性参数估计与运动补偿方法,并进一步分析了测速和测距误差.仿真实验验证了RAT法一维距离像线性化参数估计与补偿,表明该方法很好地解决了运动参数未知情况下机动目标的一维距离像频谱展宽问题. 相似文献
64.
Adjacency‐based local top‐down search method for finding maximal efficient faces in multiple objective linear programming 下载免费PDF全文
It is well‐known that the efficient set of a multiobjective linear programming (MOLP) problem can be represented as a union of the maximal efficient faces of the feasible region. In this paper, we propose a method for finding all maximal efficient faces for an MOLP. The new method is based on a condition that all efficient vertices (short for the efficient extreme points and rays) for the MOLP have been found and it relies on the adjacency, affine independence and convexity results of efficient sets. The method uses a local top‐down search strategy to determine maximal efficient faces incident to every efficient vertex for finding maximal efficient faces of an MOLP problem. To our knowledge, the proposed method is the first top‐down search method that uses the adjacency property of the efficient set to find all maximal efficient faces. We discuss this and other advantages and disadvantages of the algorithm. We also discuss some computational experience we have had with our computer code for implementing the algorithm. This computational experience involved solving several MOLP problems with the code. 相似文献
65.
驱动器并联方式能有效扩大驱动容量,但该方式容易引入环流。为了抑制环流,分析了两个独立电源供电的两台驱动器并联结构系统,阐述了环流的特性,并提出了基于环流反馈的控制结构。这种控制结构通过环流的反馈,只需要控制调整其中一台驱动器,就可减小两台驱动器输出电压的差异,实现环流抑制。仿真结果表明:这种控制结构降低了控制的复杂性,能够抑制环流,实现独立电源供电的无刷直流电机驱动器并联。 相似文献
66.
Per Marius Frost-Nielsen 《Journal of Military Ethics》2018,17(1):21-35
In this article, I outline a holistic approach to the military concept of “Rules of Engagement” (ROE), which complements the legal aspects of ROE with considerations of operational and political requirements for the use of military force. Drawing upon two illustrative cases from the US military experience with the use of ROE, I demonstrate that ROE for any particular military operation should be formulated to balance optimally, if not harmonize fully, the legal, operational and political concerns related to the use of force. In this task, political decision-makers and military practitioners alike are confronted with unavoidable and real-life dilemmas. How these dilemmas are handled has significant implications for how legal requirements concerning accountability and concerns for civilian lives in military combat can be preserved through ROE. 相似文献
67.
George Joffé 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(1):1-21
Although the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) is seen as a novel manifestation of Islamic extremism, it is in fact the latest, albeit perhaps the most effective, of a long line of revivalist movements in the Islamic and the Arab worlds. Its motivations – hisba and jihad – differ little from its predecessors and its ambitions – to create a state organised in accordance with the precepts of the Islamic caliphate – reflect a long-standing Islamic ambition. It differs, of course, in terms of the sophistication of its political and military strategies, which mirror the contemporary complexities of the world in which it operates, but its objectives recall long-standing Islamic ideals, even if articulated in radically brutal and extremist ways. More importantly, perhaps, ISIS or Da’ish, to give it its Arabic sobriquet, reflects the enormous degree of resentment inside the Middle East at the ways in which Western powers have intervened in regional affairs over recent years, particularly their support for regimes and economic systems there that have betrayed, in the popular imaginary, the essential principles of social justice that lie at the root of Islamic vision of ideal social order. Indeed, in many respects, its analysis of the world in which it operates and of the objectives it seeks differ little in essence from those any other resistance and rejectionist movement, whether religious or sectarian. More specifically, it has been the sectarian conflict that resulted from the reversal of political order in Iraq as a result of the 2003 American-led invasion that has driven the success of the movement in capturing widespread Sunni support. Whether it can manage the complexities of the administration of a state remains open to question. 相似文献
68.
Andreas Lutsch 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(4):535-558
ABSTRACTRecent nuclear-weapons-related consultation in NATO within the framework of the Defence and Deterrence Posture Review sheds light on historical experiences with nuclear consultation in NATO. In the early years of the Nuclear Planning Group (NPG), which became the main forum for multilateral nuclear consultation in the alliance, developing a nuclear weapons first use doctrine was of particular importance. This process led to the adoption of the Provisional Political Guidelines (PPGs) on the threat to initiate the use of nuclear weapons. With a focus on West Germany as the primary addressee of the NPG, it will be postulated that nuclear consultation functioned and may still be seen as an essential tool to manage the credibility of US extended nuclear deterrence in the framework of NATO. 相似文献
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