一纲多本:存在的问题对策与建议

"一纲多本"教科书政策是当代社会多元文化的价值诉求,同时也是我国基础教育改革的应然选择。然而,"一纲多本"政策在实施过程中却引发了学生学习负担加重;学生学习结果呈现"两极化"趋势;教科书质量不理想;教师专业能力发展出现困惑等四方面的现实问题。文章在分析"一纲多本"引发问题原因的基础上,从课程标准、教科书质量、学生和教师等几个方面对其未来的发展前景进行了展望。     

日本政府出入境管理政策新动态

近年来,日本国内的犯罪现象急剧增加,其中滞留在日本的外国人犯罪现象增加是主要原因之一。对此日本政府采取紧急措施,即在入境管理上加强防范,通过确立新的出入境管理体制,整备出入境环境,确立外国人居留信息系统,加强揭发非法居留者和快速顺利地强制出境等手段,以求用五年时间改变社会治安危机的现状。     

Optimal production and maintenance policy for imperfect production systems

A joint optimization of the production run length and preventive maintenance (PM) policy is studied for a deteriorating production system where the in‐control period follows a general probability distribution with non‐decreasing failure rate. In the literature, the sufficient conditions for the optimality of the equal‐interval PM schedule is explored to derive an optimal production run length and an optimal number of PM actions. Nevertheless, an exhaustive search may arise. In this study, based on the assumption that the conditions for the optimality of the equal‐interval PM schedule hold, we derive some structural properties for the optimal production/PM policy, which increases the efficiency of the solution procedure. These analyses have implications for the practical application of the production/PM model to be more available in practice. A numerical example of gamma shift distribution with non‐decreasing failure rates is used to illustrate the solution procedure, leading to some insight into the management process. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2006     

一种增强嵌入式系统安全性的安全防护技术*

由于嵌入式应用环境的多样性,单纯软件或硬件安全技术或者安全产品的功能和性能都有其局限性,只能满足某类系统的特定安全需求。因此,如何有效利用软硬件技术特点,通过协同防护来保障系统的安全已成为当前信息安全领域的研究热点。通过对嵌入式系统安全威胁和隐患的分析,在此基础上提出一种可以提高嵌入式系统安全性的软硬协同安全防护技术。该技术通过硬件检测、软件处理、综合治理的方法,可以有效地增强嵌入式系统抗击本身缺陷和恶意攻击的能力。     

消防执法引入零容忍政策探析

为了更好地打击消防违法、整治火灾隐患、维护公共安全,探索在消防执法中引入零容忍政策。介绍了零容忍政策的由来及理论依据,分析了消防执法引入零容忍政策的必要性,探讨了实施零容忍打击消防违法、消除火灾隐患的具体意见。     

基于策略的网络管理系统的实现

结合网络管理的发展情况,对基于策略的网络管理技术当前所处的地位和发挥的作用进行了探讨。并论述了一种基于策略的网络管理系统的具体实现,其中重点阐述了策略的表现形式和策略管理中基线的分析技术。     

武器装备研制和发展的瓶颈与对策

本文对武器装备研制过程中存在的一些主要问题进行了分析,提出武器装备研制体制与政策方面的改进建议,以使我军能获得满足使用要求并能充分发挥效能的武器装备.     

India nuclear weapons: No first use or no full disclosure?

This article argues India is laying the foundation to move away from “no-first-use” (NFU) as its nuclear weapons employment policy. Since the inception of its nuclear weapons program, India has claimed NFU as the centerpiece of its nuclear strategy. But India has a history of developing foundational changes to its nuclear weapons program before such changes actually occur. For example, the infrastructure of India’s nuclear weapons program was already being created in the 1950s under the guise of civilian nuclear power. Similarly, the weaponization of India’s program, which did not officially occur until after the 1998 tests, had its genesis in far earlier decisions. A close examination of trends in India’s nuclear weapons production complex, its delivery systems, and its command and control complex all lead to the conclusion that India is laying the groundwork for more flexible employment options, up to and including first use. This article does not argue such a decision has been taken. Rather, it argues the underpinning is in place to allow for a move to more flexible options, perhaps very quickly, at some point in the future. This could occur during crisis or it could occur incrementally over time.     

Dangerous work: Terrorism against U.S. diplomats

The goal of diplomats is to represent their countries’ interests through diplomacy, not arms. Because they are not military personnel, they may be perceived as at lower risk of being the target of terrorists. However, recent events have called this perception into question. Despite this danger, there has been little research on terrorist attacks against diplomats. Drawing on the terrorism studies literature, this article argues that diplomats are targeted more than non-diplomatic targets in countries where certain U.S. foreign policies are implemented. An empirical analysis of 471 attacks against U.S. diplomats from 1970 to 2011 reveals that while U.S. alliances and foreign aid increase the likelihood of attacks against diplomats, U.S. military intervention and civil war, on the other hand, increase the risk of terrorism against non-diplomatic targets. This finding is relevant because it shows terrorist attacks against diplomats result from certain types of foreign policy.     

Turkey’s strategic choice: buy or make weapons?

Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. As with other developing countries, Turkey’s motivations for investing in national defence industries can be boiled down to the pursuit of defence autarky, economic benefits and international prestige. However, after 40 years of investment, Turkey is unable to reach the primary goals of defence industrialisation. We argue that three factors are important to understanding Turkey’s persistence in these primary goals. First, Turkey believes that there is an overall improvement in its defence industrial capabilities and the goal of autarky is still reachable. Second, increased defence exports support the belief that Turkish defence industries have become sustainable and the trend will continue in the future. The third reason, perhaps most important of all, has to do with the domestic political gains of defence industrialisation: the AKP uses defence industry and indigenous weapon systems for prestige and, therefore, garners broader support.