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The Arab Spring, a pro-democracy uprising that has been sweeping through North Africa and the entire Arab world since 2010, has been described as a cataclysmic revolutionary wave that has left the overthrow of political regimes in its wake. Studies have comprehensively x-rayed the political and socio-economic circumstances that gave rise to the uprising. Apart from the impact of the uprising on political developments and democratic governance in the Arab world in particular and the world in general, the circumstances that resulted in the revolutions constitute empirical security implications for Nigeria. This is the focus of this article. Using the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) and other selected indicators, this article draws a comparative analysis of the key factors that led to the uprisings in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, pointing out areas of social and security tensions in Nigeria. Based on these findings, it points out the urgency of and imperative for security sector reforms in Nigeria.  相似文献   
123.
In the years since the 2003 Rose Revolution, the popularly elected leadership of the Republic of Georgia has responded to organized protests with a variety of repressive tactics. These reactions suggest that former challengers to authoritarian elites may utilize similar methods of retaining power during crisis periods. Yet, the alleged involvement of agencies of the Russian Federation in fomenting domestic instability has also occupied a central position in the national security policies of the outgoing Saakashvili government. These conditions both preceded and were reinforced by the South Ossetia War of August 2008. This article proposes a theoretical model that represents the intervening effect of interstate conflicts on state–society relations in Georgia from 2003 to present. It presents several hypotheses and possible indicators, data sources, and techniques for analyzing the interaction between characteristics of opposition groups, external threats, and the domestic security practices of contemporary Georgian political elites.  相似文献   
124.
在新形势下,心理学知识与思想政治教育结合是一个必然的发展趋势。在思想政治教育中引入心理学,既尊重思想政治教育者的客观性,又有助于科学的把握教育者与被教育者互动的心理规律。思想政治教育者在开展工作中善于分析高校学生的心理健康的原因,并且能够提出解决策略。努力提高自身的综合素质,重视情感因素,通过了解学生的个体差异、从众心理、逆反心理等更好的引导学生,培养学生健全的人格和正确的思想认识方向,以实现思想政治教育的最终目标,提高当代大学生的全面素质。  相似文献   
125.
中国特色的现代大学治理是大学政党权力、行政权力、学术权力等多元权力优化配置和协调平衡的制度保障;现代大学治理下如何处理和配置好大学的多元权力,构建现代大学治理下的权力保障制度,应建立多方参与的董事会制度、党政联席会议制度、教授主导下的学术制度、教师学生参与决策管理的监事会议制度等。  相似文献   
126.
张剑  龚波 《国防科技》2014,(2):24-27
信息技术的迅猛发展给军队政治工作带来了机遇,同时也提出了一系列新挑战。本文以军队政治工作主体为视角,深入分析了信息技术对军队政治工作主体的认知思维、工作方式和信息素质等三个方面带来的新挑战,提出了相应的对策,指出了军队政治工作主体需要改进的方向。  相似文献   
127.
The Building Security Overseas Strategy is at its core an ‘Intervention to end all Interventions’ – from a Western as well as an African perspective. Two of its main pillars are security sector reform in specific countries and systematic support to the development of the African Peace and Security Architecture. This article addresses the question why such efforts have met little success in francophone Africa. It argues that the failure of Western advisers to understand the sociological dynamics of African armed forces, shaped by a political culture based on personal loyalty to the leader, is at the root of the problem. In that context, the Huntingtonian-type distinction between the civilians and the military does not apply as military and civilians act in concert within common clientelism systems. As a result of the curtailing of the state-formation experience in most African countries, the military never had to demonstrate its performance as a state builder, nor did it have to bargain its legitimacy against the support of the citizens. Partnership in that context will remain a misnomer, at least until African military can credibly demonstrate commitment to state-building grounded in a broad-based social contract.  相似文献   
128.
The Shia militia has emerged as one of the most powerful and important actors in the Middle East security environment. Despite this trend, they remain poorly understood by scholars and policymakers alike. This article seeks to expand our understanding of the militia as a type of non-state armed group through an examination of Shia militia movements in Iraq between 2003 and 2009. More than simply warlords, paramilitaries, or foreign proxies, Shia militias in Iraq enjoyed substantial popular legitimacy, pursued a broad social and political agenda, and participated actively in the formal institutions of the state. Understanding the triangular relationship between the militia, the state, and the population is essential in explaining the rise and fall of the Shia militias during the US occupation as well as in developing strategies to deal with their most recent resurgence  相似文献   
129.
胡锦涛总书记在“七一”重要讲话中对坚定不移走中国特色社会主义政治发展道路进行了科学阐释。这既是对90年来我们党领导人民建设社会主义民主政治实践经验的科学总结,也是对未来我国社会主义政治建设的战略部署。中国特色社会主义民主政治发展道路,以党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一为本质特征,具有严谨的制度架构、鲜明的特点和巨大的优势,是历史和人民的选择。在新的历史时期,坚持走中国特色社会主义政治发展道路,必须立足我国国情,使之越走越实;积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革,使之越走越宽;大胆吸收和借鉴人类文明成果,使之越走越活;不断推进民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化,使之越走越稳。  相似文献   
130.
随着网络的发展和普及,网络文学已深入人们的生活,大学生深受影响。网络文学作为思想政治教育的有效载体之一,它的影响给大学生思想政治教育工作注入了新的活力,同时也带来了巨大挑战。为了更直观地了解"网络文学与大学生思想政治教育的交叉研究"在国内的总体研究概况,笔者将对网络文学的研究成果做全面系统的梳理,提出进一步的思考,旨在为高校思想政治教育提供借鉴和参考。  相似文献   
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